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Jeremiah Brandreth

Jeremiah Brandreth


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Jeremiah Brandreth blev født i Wilford, Nottingham i 1790. Brandreth blev strømper af handel og flyttede senere til Sutton-in-Ashfield, hvor han boede med sin kone og tre børn. Det menes, at han i 1811 deltog i ludditiske aktiviteter.

I maj 1817 mødte Brandreth William Oliver fra London. Oliver hævdede, at en stor gruppe radikaler planlagde et væbnet oprør i London den 9. juni og bad Brandreth om at overtale lokale arbejdere til at deltage i oprøret. Dette var usandt, og det menes nu, at Oliver arbejdede som en agent provokatør for Lord Sidmouth, indenrigsministeren.

Den 9. juni førte Jeremiah Brandreth 300 mand på en march mod Nottingham. Bevæbnet med et par pistoler og gedder forventede Brandreth at andre ville slutte sig til ham på vej til byen. Dette skete ikke, og myndighederne havde lidt svært ved at sprede den foreslåede oprør.

35 af mændene blev sigtet for landsforræderi. Brandreth og to andre blev dømt til døden, og yderligere elleve mænd blev transporteret for livet. Mændene blev oprindeligt dømt til at blive hængt, tegnet og lagt i kvarter, men kvarteringen blev eftergivet.

På stilladset råbte en af ​​mændene, at de var ofre for Lord Sidmouth og Oliver the Spy. Percy Bysshe Shelley førte kampagne mod brugen af ​​agentprovokatører i Undersøgeren. Edward Baines fra Leeds Mercury undersøgte deres påstande og var i stand til at finde beviser nok til at implicere regeringen i sammensværgelsen. I sin artikel, der afslørede William Oliver, beskrev Baines ham som en "prototype af Lucifer, hvis særpræg først er at friste og derefter ødelægge."

Jeg var hos Jerry Brandreth mellem seks og syv i aften. Vi forlod hans hus og mødte Stevens og gik op ad Sandy Lane. Stevens sagde, at jeg skulle have været her mandag aften. Han erklærede, at der var en London -delegat, der rapporterede, at der var omkring 70.000 i London, der var klar til at handle sammen med os; og at de var meget modne i Birmingham.

Den 1. eller 2. juni kom Oliver til Nottingham. Han sagde, at alle ville være klar i London den 9. juni. Oliver havde et møde med os nu, hvor mødet Brandreth og Turner og mange andre var til stede. På dette møde lagde han et papir for os, som han kaldte en kampagneplan. Da Oliver således havde ordnet alt med os, forberedte han sig på at tage af sted for at organisere ting i Yorkshire, så alle kunne være klar til at flytte i landet i det øjeblik, stigningen fandt sted i London, hvor han fortalte os, at der var 50.000 mand med våben forberedt, og at de ville tage Tower of London.

Oliver trak mod London og efterlod sine ofre med succes i de fælder, han havde forberedt til dem. Olivers arbejdsgivere kunne om en time have sat en total stopper for disse forberedelser og have blæst dem i luften. De ønskede ikke at forhindre, men at producere disse handlinger.

Den 7. november steg Brandreth, Turner og Ludlam op på stilladset. Vi føler mindre med Brandreth, for det ser ud til, at han har dræbt en mand. Men husk, hvem der tilskyndede ham til proceduren, der førte til mord. På ord om en døende mand fortæller Brandreth os, at "Oliver bragte ham til dette" - det, "men for Oliver ville han ikke have været der." Se også, Ludlam og Turner, med deres sønner og brødre og søstre, hvordan de knæler sammen i denne frygtelige smerte i bøn. Med den frygtelige straf foran øjnene - med den enorme sanktion for sandheden om alt, hvad han talte, udbrød Turner højt og tydeligt, mens bødlen lagde tovet om hans hals: "Dette er alt Oliver og regeringen." Hvad mere han kunne have sagt, ved vi ikke, for kapellen forhindrede yderligere observationer. Hestetropper med ivrige og glitrende sværd, opsamlet i mængderne, der er samlet for at overvære denne afskyelige udstilling. "Da øksens slag blev hørt, var der et rædsel af gru fra folkemængden. I samme øjeblik hovedet blev udstillet, var der et voldsomt skrig, og mængden løb voldsomt i alle retninger, som under impuls fra pludselig vanvid. Dem, der genoptog deres stationer, stønnede og tuttede. "


Jeremiah Brandreth

Brandreth syntyi Nottinghamin Wilfordissa vuonna 1790. Hänestä tuli sukantekijä, joka eli Sutton-in-Ashfieldissä vaimon ja kolmen lapsen kanssa. Vuonna 1811 hän ilmeisesti osallistui luddiittien toimintaan. Vuonna 1817 radikaalit kapinalliset suunnittelivat väkivaltaista kapinaa ja Brandreth kutsuttiin mukaan. Hän johti 300 miehen joukkiota Nottinghamissa aseistatuneena pistoolilla ja keihäällä. Hän ei saanut niin monia seuraajia kuin oli luullut, eikä virkavallalla ollut vaikeuksia hajottaa mielenosoitusta. 35 mielenosoittajaa pidätettiin ja heitä syytettiin maanpetoksesta. Kolme tuomittiin kuolemaan ja 11 elinkautiseen vankeuteen. [2] Jeremiah Brandreth, Isaac Ludlam og William Turner tuomittiin vedettäväksi hirttopaikalle, hirtettäviksi ja paloiteltaviksi. Han olivat viimeiset, joiden kaula katkaistiin kirveellä. Saman kapinaliikkeen jäseniä teloitettiin Lontoossa vuonna 1820, mutta siellä kaulan katkaisuun käytettiin kirurgin veistä. [1]

Tuomio ”vedetään, hirtetään ja paloitellaan” sisälsi nöyryyttävän kuljetuksen hevosten vetämänä. Hirttäminen tehtiin muuten tavalliseen tapaan, mutta viimeinen pudotus jätettiin pois, jotta vangin niska ei katkeaisi vaan hän olisi elossa seuraavassa vaiheessa. Siinä hänen sukuelimensä leikattiin irti, vatsa viillettiin auki, sisälmykset vedettiin esille ja viimeiseksi katkaistiin kaula ja ruumis paloiteltiin neljään osan. Nämä osat kiehautettiin, etteivät ne mätänisi liian nopeasti, ja ripustettiin nähtäväksi kaupunginporteille varoituksena muille pahantekijöille. Kuolema seurasi jossakin vaiheessa joko kuristumisesta, verenhukasta tai šokista. Brandrethia ja hänen rikoskumppaneitaan hirtettiin poikkeuksellisesti puolen tunnin ajan, joten he olivat jo kuolleita, kun kaulat katkaistiin. [3]


Sutton Heritage Society

Jeremiah Brandreth ’s Sutton Walk.

Disse retninger kan bruges sammen med bymidtkortet vist på Heritage Tour -siden.

Begynd ved Old Ashfield Hotel. Dette er tændt Kirkby Road, Sutton-in-Ashfield, på grænsen til Kirkby-in-Ashfield. Dette punkt er let tilgængeligt fra A38.

Gå ned Kirkby Road mod Sutton Town Center. Over en minitrafikø og videre til en større trafikø. Drej til venstre ind Spring Road. Dette ændrer sig til Hack Lane (samme vej). West End er en boligblok ved siden af Livets personale offentligt hus, og var oprindeligt kendt som Smedley ’s End, efter bygherrerne. Ved Staff of Life drej til venstre ind Kirkegade. Umiddelbart til højre er St. Mary ’s haver. Fortsæt lige til Alfreton Road drej derefter først til højre ind Douglas Road. Du er nu i (gamle) Sutton Woodhouse.

På toppen af Douglas Road drej til højre foran Kirkegård, gå mod centrum ned Lammas Road. Kirken af Sankt Maria Magdalena er på toppen af ​​den første gade ved siden af ​​kirkegården. Ved siden af ​​kirken er Lammas Skole. Lidt længere nede ad Lammas Road på samme side som skolen er Pinfold. Ved trafikøen skal du holde til højre mod Busstoppested. Til højre er Herregård, og lige foran vil du se Hvid svane Offentligt hus. Hunter's Bar støder op til den hvide svane, på tværs Market Street og ved siden af ​​politistationen. Dette område er et Fredningsområde.

Church Street var hovedgaden gennem byen, før Lammas Road blev bygget. Indgangen til Idlewells Precinct er bag Busstationen. Tid til en kop? Gennemse butikkerne? Gå lige igennem Idlewells Precinct og kom videre Low Street. Drej til venstre, så efter 10 yards er der en indgang til højre, der er tilgængelig via trin. Criers Yard. At gå gennem Criers Yard bringer dig ud på Parliament Street. Drej til venstre og foran dig er Forest Street. Lige før du når Forest Street, drejer du til højre med en garage på hjørnet af den. Det er en blindgyde, så fortsæt til Forest Street og drej derefter til venstre. Kronen og Uldpakken offentligt hus er i højre hjørne.

Drej til venstre igen tilbage på Low Street. Fortsæt ad Low Street, indtil du når Gamle markedsplads, med Costa Coffee på hjørnet. Til højre i bunden af ​​det gamle markedsplads, hvis du kigger op, er toppen af ​​bygningerne Det gamle rådhus. Hold tæt på Costa drej hjørnet og gå op ad bakken, følg vejen til højre. Ser man til venstre er der en sti, der fører op mod parkeringspladsen tilhørende Sutton Community Academy. Hovedvejen (Høj fortov) er synlig, ligesom Forenede reformerede kirke øverst til højre på parkeringspladsen.

Når du er ude af kirken, skal du dreje til højre Høj fortov. Kryds til den anden side af vejen og Prospect Place er til venstre. Gå til enden af ​​gaden og Lindley ’s Mill gemmer sig på højre side. Retur samme vej tilbage til High Pavement, drej til venstre og følg vejen ned til trafikøen og Kirkby Road for turen tilbage til Gamle Ashfield.

Hvis du har brug for at undgå trin, kan dette opnås ved at udelade dem til Criers Yard og fortsætte ned ad Low Street, dreje til højre efter soluret og derefter til højre igen ved Crown and Woolpack.

Ruten til Den Forenede Reformerede Kirke, selvom den indeholder trin, har også en adgangsrampe.


Pentrichrevolutionen i 1817

R.J. White analyserer begivenhederne i “Derbyshire Insurrection” - ellers kendt som Pentrichrevolutionen - som et eksempel på lokal historie i dens betydning for national historie.

Jeremiah Brandreth, Nottingham -kaptajnen, blev henrettet for højforræderi den 7. november 1817. Sammen med ham, på stilladset på Nun's Green, i Derby, døde der også William Turner og Isaac Ludlam, hans hovedløjtnanter i Pentrich Revolution i sommer det år.

Alle tre var fattige mænd. Brandreth var arbejdsløs strømper Turner var en stenhugger Ludlam var en stenhugger. De led straffen af ​​øksen, efter at have hængt, på en offentlig stillads en straf, som længe havde været forbundet i det offentlige sind med aristokratiske forrædere.

Påførelsen af ​​denne straf på fattige mænd forårsagede både harme og tilfredshed. Forargelse, fordi det var en udbredt opfattelse, at disse fattige mænd aldrig ville have stødt på urolige kurser uden opmuntring fra agentprovokatøren, Oliver the Spy. Tilfredshed, for som Lord Colchester bemærkede, var det på høje tid, at vrangforestillingen blev ophævet om, at "Højforræderi var en lovovertrædelse, som lave personer ikke var strafbare for."

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Englands glemte væbnede opstand skal fejres i Derbyshire

Storbritannien går til valg i denne uge næsten præcis 200 år efter den sidste væbnede opstand i engelsk historie, da en gruppe Derbyshire -vævere og minearbejdere tyede til høgfor og musketter i et forgæves forsøg på at vælte med magt den regering, der nægtede dem afstemningen.

Opstanden varede kun en kold, regnfuld nat og endte i offentlige henrettelser og halshugninger, men Derbyshire forbereder sig på at mindes toårsdagen i weekenden.

Pentrichrevolutionen huskes nu lidt - bestemt ikke undervist i de lokale skoler - og der er lidt spor af den i klyngen af ​​landsbyer 14 miles nord for Nottingham, hvor den fandt sted. Men i 1817 skræmte den ministre tilstrækkeligt til at de kunne træffe ekstreme foranstaltninger for at sikre, at intet lignende nogensinde skete igen. Det er en fortælling om vold og fortvivlelse langt væk fra det almindelige og rolige billede af Jane Austens England - forfatteren døde seks uger efter opstanden.

Michael Parkin, en pensioneret politibetjent, der bor i Swanwick, landsbyen ved siden af ​​Pentrich, og er en af ​​arrangørerne af en weekend med begivenheder, sagde: ”Vi synes, vi har fået en bedre historie end Tolpuddle -martyrerne: mere interessant og mere skævt. Dorset -mændene kom tilbage, men vores gjorde det aldrig. ”

Omkring 300 arbejdsløse arbejdere - ikke alle villige frivillige - fra lokale landsbyer sluttede sig til en march mod Nottingham natten til den 9. juni 1817. De havde fået at vide, at de var en del af et nationalt oprør og ville slutte sig til mindst 70.000 nordboere, der marcherede sydpå “som en sky ”For at fange London.

Mere umiddelbart blev de lovet mad, rom, penge og sejlture på floden Trent, da de beslaglagde Nottingham. Mange anede sandsynligvis lidt om politik, men var sultne og desperate efter at vælte Tory -ministre ligeglade med deres vanskeligheder. Nogle mente tilsyneladende, at tale om en foreløbig regering betød en, der ville udlevere bestemmelser.

Deres leder, Jeremiah Brandreth, en tidligere luddit og som mange af mændene var en metodist, var bevæbnet med en musket og skød en tjener på en lokal bondegård, da ejeren nægtede at åbne op. Lederen af ​​et lokalt jernværk afviste dem også, og mange af mændene, gennemblødte og sultne, begyndte at glide væk i mørket. Da de nåede udkanten af ​​Nottingham - hvor en Ikea -butik nu står - ventede en afdeling soldater, og marcherne flygtede forvirrede, bange og gennemblødte, tilbage i armene på ventende magistrater.

En illustration, der viser lederen af ​​den stigendes leder, Jeremiah Brandreth, der blev vist for folkemængderne efter hans henrettelse i Derby. Foto: Hulton Archive/Getty Images

Fast besluttet på at sikre overbevisning som en advarsel til andre, sikrede Lord Liverpools regering, at de blev anklaget for landsforræderi, en usædvanlig vild anklagelse for arbejdsløse arbejdere frem for aristokratiske oprørere. Fyrre-syv af mændene stod for retten for herrechefen og en jury af lokale grundejere i Derby i løbet af 10 dage det efterår. Fire blev dømt til døden og 23 transporteret til Australien. Ingen ville nogensinde se deres hjemlandsbyer igen. For at sikre, at alle spor af dem blev slettet, lod den lokale grundejer hertugen af ​​Devonshire deres hjem rive og deres familier smide ud.

"Det var som etnisk udrensning," sagde Roger Tanner, en pensioneret forstander, der leder gåture langs de ruter, oprørerne tog over markerne og dalene i udkanten af ​​Peak District. "Pentrich var den største landsby i området, men den er aldrig kommet sig."

Alligevel blev opstanden sandsynligvis bevidst provokeret af regeringen. William Richards, kendt som Oliver the Spy, der arbejdede for den undertrykkende hjemmesekretær Lord Sidmouth, fungerede sandsynligvis som en agentprovokatør - muligvis på eget initiativ - og fortalte mændene, at de ville være en del af en national stigning.

Richards var blevet rekrutteret af Sidmouth til at rejse over Midlands og det nordlige England for at infiltrere politiske radikale møder og rapportere tilbage. På tidspunktet for opstanden blev han allerede betragtet som mistænksom af aktivisterne og ville kort tid blive afsløret i skarp efterforskningsrapport fra avisen Leeds Mercury, men beskeden nåede ikke til Pentrich. I Huddersfield i West Yorkshire var et andet planlagt oprør hurtigt faldet sammen, og oprørerne der blev alle frifundet for mindre anklager af juryer, der var rasende over regeringens underhåndsbrug af spioner.

Dødsstraffen for forræderi omfattede stadig tegning og kvartering, men prinsregenten undskyldte dem fuld skræk: offentlig hængning ville blive efterfulgt af halshugning. Brandreth og to andre gik til galgen. På stilladset råbte en af ​​de dømte mænd: "Det er alt sammen Oliver og regeringen!" Journalisten William Cobbett ville senere skrive bittert: “Olivers arbejdsgivere kunne på en time have sat en fuldstændig stopper for [forberedelserne] og blæst dem i luften. De ville ikke forhindre, men producere disse handlinger. ”

Næste weekends mindehøjtidelighed understøttes af et Heritage Lottery Fund -tilskud. Det vil omfatte guidede vandreture, en kunstudstilling, et teaterstykke, en konference på Derby University og en udstilling på byens museum, herunder blokken, hvor ringledernes hoveder blev afskåret. De ruter, marcherne tog, er kendte, og nogle af stuehusene, hvor de stoppede for at kræve mad og våben, står stadig. Tavler vil blive afsløret, og nogle efterkommere af de transporterede mænd kommer over fra Australien.

Parkin sagde: "Folk her omkring kunne ikke lide at tale om opstanden, hvis de mistede deres hjem og levebrød, men vi håber at genoprette den nationale hukommelse om, hvad der skete den nat."


Ludditterne

Den 9. oktober 1779 gjorde en gruppe engelske tekstilarbejdere i Manchester oprør mod indførelse af maskiner, der truede deres dygtige håndværk. Dette var den første af mange ludditiske optøjer, der fandt sted.

Ordet ‘Luddites ’ refererer til britiske vævere og tekstilarbejdere, der protesterede mod indførelsen af ​​mekaniserede væve og strikkestel. Som højtuddannede håndværkere udgjorde det nye maskineri en trussel mod deres levebrød, og efter at have modtaget ingen støtte fra regeringen tog de sagen i egen hånd.

I dag bruges udtrykket ‘Luddite ’ ofte til at generalisere mennesker, der ikke kan lide ny teknologi, men det stammer fra en undvigende figur kaldet Ned Ludd. Han siges at være en ung lærling, der tog sagen i egne hænder og ødelagde tekstilapparater i 1779. Arbejdsgrupperne, der fulgte i hans fodspor, sagde, at de tog ordrer fra "General Ludd" og udsendte manifest ved hjælp af hans navn. Når det er sagt, er der ingen tegn på hans faktiske eksistens, idet Ned Ludd antager et mere mytisk ‘Robin Hood ‘ ry, han ville blive den legendariske karakter, andre ville bruge til at skabe en navnebror til deres sag. Ned Ludd tilhængere, ludditterne brugte et navn til at chokere regeringen for underkastelse. Ville deres taktik vise sig at være vellykket?

Ludditterne var ikke, som det ofte er blevet fremstillet, imod begrebet fremskridt og industrialisering som sådan, men derimod tanken om, at mekanisering ville true deres levebrød og de færdigheder, de havde brugt mange år på at erhverve. Gruppen gik i gang med at ødelægge vævemaskiner og andre værktøjer som en form for protest mod, hvad de mente var en bedragerisk metode til at omgå datidens arbejdsmetoder. Udskiftning af menneskers dygtige håndværk med maskiner ville gradvist erstatte deres etablerede roller i tekstilindustrien, noget de var ivrige efter at forhindre, snarere end blot at standse teknologiens fremkomst.

Tekstilarbejderne og væverne var faktisk dygtige, veluddannede middelklassearbejdere i deres tid. Efter at have arbejdet i århundreder med at opretholde gode relationer til købmænd, der solgte deres produkter, erstattede introduktionen af ​​maskiner ikke kun behovet for håndlavede beklædningsgenstande, men startede også brugen af ​​lavtuddannede og dårligt betalte arbejdere på større fabrikker. Denne overgang ville vise sig katastrofal for håndværkerne i deres håndværk, der havde brugt år på at perfektionere og finpudse deres færdigheder for kun at blive erstattet af mindre dygtige, underbetalte arbejdere, der betjente maskiner.

I et forsøg på at standse eller i det mindste gøre overgangen glattere forsøgte ludditterne i første omgang at genforhandle vilkårene for arbejdsvilkår baseret på de skiftende omstændigheder på arbejdspladsen. Nogle af ideerne og anmodningerne omfattede indførelse af en mindsteløn, virksomhedernes overholdelse af minimumsstandarder for arbejdskraft og skatter, der ville muliggøre oprettelse af midler til arbejdstagernes pensioner. Selvom disse vilkår ikke synes urimelige på den moderne arbejdsplads, for de velhavende fabriksejere, viste disse forhandlingsforsøg sig at være forgæves.

Den ludditiske bevægelse opstod derfor, da forsøg på forhandling mislykkedes, og deres gyldige bekymringer ikke blev lyttet til, endsige adresseret. Ludditernes aktivitet opstod på baggrund af en økonomisk kamp fra Napoleonskrigene, som påvirkede de arbejdsvilkår, der allerede er oplevet på de nye fabrikker, negativt. Med fremkomsten af ​​ny teknologi og flere lavtuddannede arbejdere blev dette problem forværret.

I det attende århundrede ville arbejderklasserne sandsynligvis ikke gøre oprør mod regeringen, hovedsagelig på grund af frygten for repressalier, da straffen var hård. Den største bekymring for arbejdere, som det var tilfældet for ludditterne, var at kunne leve af, men da den industrielle revolution begyndte at true status quo, steg også utilfredsheden blandt arbejderne. Ludditterne blev typiske for perioden, gjorde oprør mod truslerne mod deres levebrød og forsøgte at finde en position, hvor de kunne bytte om bedre vilkår og lønninger og vigtigst af alt ikke miste deres plads i produktionskæden.

Fundamenterne til ludditterne begyndte i slutningen af ​​1700’erne, men de første mærkbare optøjer opstod i 1811. For dem, der havde forsøgt at forhandle med fabriksejerne og regeringen, var deres anbringender ikke blevet hørt. Den anvendte taktik virkede ganske radikal, men i betragtning af det faktum, at der ikke var nogen fagforeninger at falde tilbage på, beskeden om trods mod en kendt trussel mod deres levebrød havde form af at bryde maskiner. Hensigten var at lægge arbejdsgivere under pres for at imødekomme deres krav, men den reaktion, de blev mødt med, var hurtig og brutal.

Oprindeligt var svaret fra regeringen at gennemgå loven om beskyttelse af lagerrammer i 1788, hvilket i det væsentlige øgede sanktionerne for ødelæggelse af fabriksudstyr. Dette hæmmede lidt Luddit -aktivitet, og den 11. marts 1811 fandt det første store Luddit -optøj sted i Arnold, Nottingham. Dette blev en af ​​mange, da bevægelsen fejede over landet med vævere, der brændte møller og ødelagde fabriksudstyr. Alene i 1811 blev hundredvis af maskiner ødelagt eller ødelagt, og regeringen begyndte snart at indse, at hverken bevægelsen eller frustrationen fra befolkningen forsvandt.

Gruppen mødtes ofte om natten, et eller andet sted isoleret nær industribyerne, hvor de arbejdede for at organisere sig. Meget af aktiviteten omgav Nottinghamshire -området i slutningen af ​​1811, men blev udvidet til Yorkshire året efter og til Lancashire i marts 1813. Aktiviteten blev organiseret af mindre grupper af mænd, der følte, at deres levebrød var på spil. Da der ikke var nogen central kraft, der organiserede ludditterne, kunne bevægelsen let feje landet, da mange familiers liv blev kompromitteret af industrialiseringsprocessen.

Angrebene brugte slædehamre og eskalerede i nogle tilfælde til skud, da fabriksejerne reagerede med at skyde demonstranterne. Mens arbejderne håbede, at opstanden ville tilskynde til et forbud mod vævemaskiner, havde den britiske regering ingen sådanne planer og i stedet gjorde maskinbrud straffet med døden.

Fabrikkejernes rigdom betød, at den britiske regering var meget lydhøre over for ejernes bekymringer frem for arbejdernes. I overensstemmelse hermed sendte de omkring 14.000 soldater ind i de berørte områder og tvang ludditter til at kæmpe med den britiske hær, f.eks. Ved Burton's Mill i Middleton. De forsøgte også at undertrykke aktiviteten ved at infiltrere gruppen med spioner. Urolighederne eskalerede, og der syntes ikke at være en ende i sikte.

I april 1812 blev nogle af ludditterne skudt ned på en mølle nær Huddersfield. Hæren var i offensiven og begyndte at runde ludditterne op og transportere store grupper af dem til enten at blive hængt eller ført til Australien for at afsone deres straf. Den hårde reaktion, der resulterede i fængsel, død eller sendelse over hele verden, var nok til at undertrykke gruppens handlinger. I 1813 var aktiviteterne faldet, og kun få år senere var gruppen forsvundet. Den sidste registrerede ludditiske aktivitet blev udført af en arbejdsløs strømpe i Nottingham kaldet Jeremiah Brandreth, der ledede Pentrich Rising. Selvom det ikke specifikt var relateret til maskineri, var det den sidste kamp i sin art, før de tragiske omstændigheder ved den industrielle revolution herskede i landet.

Sporadiske voldsudbrud ville forløbe gennem årene i forskellige former, ikke altid relateret til fabriksarbejde, men som gengældelse for industrialiseringsprocessen, der påvirker mange etablerede traditioner og praksis. Ludditterne var pionererne i denne kamp mod maskiner, der erstattede menneskers arbejde.

Jessica Brain er freelance skribent med speciale i historie. Baseret i Kent og en elsker af alt historisk.


Brandreths historie, familievåbenskjold og våbenskjold

Efternavnet Brandreth blev først fundet i Staffordshire, hvor de havde en familiesæde fra meget gammel tid, nogle siger godt før den normanniske erobring og hertug William's ankomst til Hastings i 1066 e.Kr.

Våbenskjold og efternavn historiepakke

$24.95 $21.20

Tidlig historie om familien Brandreth

Denne webside viser kun et lille uddrag af vores Brandreth -forskning. Yderligere 69 ord (5 tekstlinjer) er inkluderet under emnet Early Brandreth History i alle vores PDF Extended History -produkter og trykte produkter, hvor det er muligt.

Unisex sweatshirt med hætte

Brandreth stavevarianter

Brandreth er blevet stavet på mange forskellige måder. Inden engelsk stavemåde blev standardiseret i løbet af de sidste par hundrede år, var stavningsvariationer i navne en almindelig forekomst. Da det engelske sprog ændrede sig i middelalderen og absorberede stykker latin og fransk samt andre sprog, ændrede stavningen af ​​folks navne sig også betydeligt, selv over et enkelt liv. Der er fundet mange variationer af navnet Brandreth, herunder Brandreith, Brandreth og andre.

Tidlige bemærkninger fra Brandreth -familien (før 1700)

Flere oplysninger er inkluderet under emnet Early Brandreth Notables i alle vores PDF Extended History -produkter og trykte produkter, hvor det er muligt.

Brandreth migration +

Nogle af de første nybyggere af dette efternavn var:

Brandreth Settlers i USA i det 19. århundrede
  • Benjamin Brandreth, der landede i New York, NY i 1836 [1]
  • John Brandreth, der ankom til Philadelphia, Pennsylvania i 1860

Brandreth -migration til New Zealand +

Emigration til New Zealand fulgte i de europæiske opdagelsesrejsendes fodspor, såsom kaptajn Cook (1769-70): først kom sælere, hvalfangere, missionærer og handlende. I 1838 var det britiske New Zealand Company begyndt at købe jord fra maoristammerne og sælge det til nybyggere, og efter Waitangi -traktaten i 1840 tog mange britiske familier ud på den hårde seks måneders rejse fra Storbritannien til Aotearoa for at starte et nyt liv. Tidlige immigranter omfatter:

Brandreth Settlers i New Zealand i det 19. århundrede
  • Mr. Brandreth, britisk nybygger, der rejser fra London ombord på skibet & quotTyne & ankommer til Wellington, New Zealand den 9. august 1841 [2]

Samtidsnotater af navnet Brandreth (post 1700) +

  • Thomas Shaw Brandreth (1788-1873), engelsk opfinder og klassisk lærd, stammer fra en familie, der har været i besiddelse af Lees i Cheshire fra borgerkrigen [3]
  • Joseph Brandreth (1746-1815), engelsk læge, født i Ormskirk, Lancashire [3]
  • Jeremiah Brandreth (d. 1817), også kendt som Jeremiah Coke, engelsk leder for et forsøg på at rejse sig mod regeringen i midland -amterne, han blev henrettet for sin indsats i Nuns Green, Derby, 7. november 1817 og troede at have været omkring tyve -fem år [3]
  • Admiral Thomas Brandreth (1825-1894), Royal Navy admiral og Lord of the Admiralty
  • Benjamin Brandreth (1807-1880), indehaver af Brandreth's Pills en patentmedicin
  • Gyles Daubeney Brandreth (f. 1948), britisk forfatter og politiker, medlem af det britiske parlament (1992-1997)
  • George A. Brandreth, amerikansk republikansk politiker, kandidat til amerikansk repræsentant fra New York, 1876, 1892 [4]
  • Benjamin Brandreth, amerikansk politiker, medlem af New York State Senat, 1850-51, 1858-59 [4]

Relaterede historier +

Brandreth Motto +

Mottoet var oprindeligt et krigsrop eller slogan. Mottoer begyndte først at blive vist med våben i det 14. og 15. århundrede, men blev først brugt i det 17. århundrede. Således indeholder de ældste våbenskjolde generelt ikke et motto. Mottoer indgår sjældent i bevilling af våben: Under de fleste heraldiske myndigheder er et motto en valgfri komponent i våbenskjoldet og kan tilføjes eller ændres efter behag mange familier har valgt ikke at vise et motto.

Motto: Nunquam non paratus
Motto Oversættelse: Aldrig uforberedt.


The Pentrich Rising, 1817

Sult og nød var de vigtigste drivkræfter bag den skæbnesvangre Pentrich Rising. Samme nat som det aborterende Huddersfield -oprør var pubben White Horse i Pentrich ‘nerve center ’ for det planlagte oprør. Pubben var ejet af Nanny Weightman, mor til George Weightman, en af ​​chefens ‘ -delegerede ’ involveret i opstanden.

Jeremiah Brandreth, en arbejdsløs rammestrikker kendt som ‘Nottingham Captain ’ og tidligere Luddite, var nu ansvarlig for oprøret (lederen, Tommy Bacon, skjulte sig). Brandreth studerede et kort og påpegede manden ‘ -linjen for sine mænd. Oprørerne skulle begive sig ud fra South Wingfield kl. 22, nå Pentrich ved midnat og derefter køre Butterley [jernværket] før dem.

De planlagde at stjæle så mange våben som muligt, derefter marchere til Nottingham Forest og møde et andet stort parti oprørere. Brandreth sagde, at Sheffield og Manchester ville stige på samme tid. Denne tro på samtidige stigninger andre steder var aktivt blevet fremmet af regeringens spioner.

På det tidspunkt, der blev udpeget mandag aften (9. juni), samledes Jeremiah Brandreth, George Weightman og omkring tres andre, nogle med provisoriske gedder, på Hunt ’s Barn i South Wingfield. Brandreth var bevæbnet med en pistol og pistol Weightman var også bevæbnet.

Oprørerne delte sig i to ‘-regimenter ’ for at samle våben og rekrutterer Brandreth, Isaac Ludlam (bevæbnet med et spyd) og eks-soldat William Turner var i den første gruppe. De gik til folks huse, hamrede på deres døre og krævede våben. Mændene i hver husstand blev bedt om det

Butterley Ironworks.
‘frivillig ’ for at slutte sig til dem truede de med at skyde dem, der nægtede.

Tragedien ramte, da Brandreth og hans mænd nåede hjemmet til fru Hepworth, enke, der boede sammen med hendes sønner. De bankede på hendes dør, men fru Hepworth nægtede at åbne den. Mændene råbte til hendes søn William, ‘Vi skal have dine våben og dine mænd, ellers blæser vi din hjerne ud ’. Nogen (sandsynligvis Brandreth) fyrede gennem køkkenvinduet, og kuglen ramte tjeneren Robert Walters i nakken. Han døde kort tid efter.

Oprørerne, omkring 100 i antal, gik derefter til Butterley Ironworks og forsøgte at komme ind. Men værkerne var blevet spærret mod dem, og de forlod tomhændede. Nogle af oprørerne begyndte at drive væk. Derefter blev kavalerister opdaget i det fjerne – de 15. husarer, under kommando af kaptajn Phillips, var blevet sendt for at undersøge. De resterende oprørere smed deres våben og løb for livet.

Letter re Brandreth og andre oprørere.

Pentrich -oprøret var forbi.

Jeremiah Brandreth, William Turner og Isaac Ludlam blev hængt for landsforræderi ved Friar-Gate Gaol, Derby, fredag ​​den 7. november 1817. Fjorten andre oprørere blev transporteret for livet. Du kan læse genealogier for familierne, der er involveret i Pentrich Rising her.

Billeder: Kort, der viser området South Wingfield og Pentrich (HO42/166), og et brev fra to dommer i Nottingham, Charles L Morley og JH Barber, med ‘information ’ på ed til Lord Sidmouth, at de mistænkte Thomas Bacon, Jeremiah Brandreth, Samuel Haynes og andre om ‘forfærdelig praksis ’ (HO44/166/f.410).
Butterley Iron Works. Forfatterens samling. Pictorial Gallery of Arts Vol. jeg, (c. 1860).


Gyles Brandreth

En produktiv udsender (i programmer lige fra Et øjeblik og Wordaholics til Celebrity Gogglebox, QI og Har jeg fået nyheder til dig), en prisvindende interviewer og klummeskribent (hovedsageligt for Telegraf og Daglig post), a novelist, children’s author and biographer, he has published two volumes of diaries: Breaking the Code: Westminster Diaries (‘By far the best political diary of recent years, far more perceptive and revealing than Alan Clark’s’, Tiderne) and Something Sensational to Read in the Train: The Diary of a Lifetime (‘Witty, warm-hearted and deeply poignant’, Daily Mail).

He is the author of two acclaimed royal biographies: Philip & Elizabeth: Portrait of a Marriage and Charles & Camilla: Portrait of a Love Affair, and a series of Victorian detective stories, The Oscar Wilde Murder Mysteries, seven books now published in twenty-two countries around the world. His recent Sunday Times best-sellers include Word Play, a celebration of the English language, and The 7 Secrets of Happiness – No 1 on Amazon. His on-line course on Happiness is available from Gravy For The Brain together with a course co-authored with his son, rhetoric coach and barrister, Benet Brandreth QC, on Mastering Public Speaking. His one-man shows have won multiple five star reviews at the Edinburgh Fringe and tour regularly throughout the UK.

As a performer, Gyles Brandreth has been seen in the West End in Zipp! One hundred musicals for less than the price of one at the Duchess Theatre and on tour throughout the UK, and as Malvolio and the Sea Captain in Twelfth Night: The Musical at the Edinburgh Festival Fringe. In 2011/12 he played Lady Bracknell in a new musical version of The Importance of Being Earnest and in 2017 appeared in Hamlet at the Park Theatre in London.

Gyles Brandreth is one of Britain’s busiest after-dinner speakers and award ceremony hosts. He has won awards himself, and been nominated for awards, as a public speaker, novelist, children’s writer, broadcaster (Sony and Royal Television Society), podcaster (Best Entertainment Podcast), political diarist (Channel Four), journalist (British Press Awards), theatre producer (Olivier), and businessman (British Tourist Authority Come to Britain Trophy). He has featured on This Is Your Life og Desert Island -diske and is a former chairman and now vice-president of the National Playing Fields Association. In 2017 he succeeded the late Duke of Westminster as Chancellor of the University of Chester.

He is married to writer and publisher Michèle Brown, with whom he co-curated the exhibition of twentieth century children’s authors at the National Portrait Gallery and founded the award-winning Teddy Bear Museum now based at Newby Hall in North Yorkshire. His son, Benet, is a barrister, award-winning speaker, authority on rhetoric – www.artofrhetoric.com - and author of two acclaimed novels about Shakespeare's lost years: The Spy of Venice and The Assassin of Verona. His daughter, Aphra, is an environmental economist, and an elected councillor in the London Borough of Richmond-upon-Thames. With his daughter Saethryd and grandson Rory, he is the author of a compendium of family games, The Lost Art of Having Fun. With Saethryd, he has also created Novelty Knits, a celebration of the colourful jumpers he was noted for wearing on TV in the 1970s and 1980s. Some of his favourite jumpers are now available at www.gylesandgeorge.com

Gyles Brandreth’s forebears include George R Sims (the highest-paid journalist of his day, who wrote the ballad Christmas Day in the Workhouse) and Jeremiah Brandreth (the last man in England to be beheaded for treason). His great-great-grandfather, Benjamin Brandreth, promoted ‘Brandreth’s Pills’ (a medicine that cured everything!) and was a pioneer of modern advertising and a New York state senator. Gyles Brandreth has been London correspondent for “Up to the Minute” on CBS News and his books published in the USA include the New York Times best-seller, The Joy of Lex, as well as The Oscar Wilde Murder Mysteries (Simon & Schuster) and The 7 Secrets of Happiness (Open Road Media).


The History of the Pentrich Revolution - The Revolution

The movement for political reform, which had been agitating since the 1770's, was driven underground as the French Wars enabled English Governments to adopt authoritarian policies of state. As the movement went underground it was radicalised in the process. Economic discontent began to be channelled into political clubs like the Hampden Clubs, formed by Major John Cartwright,

The Hampden Clubs co-ordinated massive petitions to Parliament and, in January 1817, a rally was held in London, marking the first real national co-ordination of any people's organisation of a wider character then the purely sectional trades unions.

The mood of the masses was sharply rebellious - the Prince Regent had stones thrown at the windows of his coach by a crowd. The House of Lords investigated the state of the nation as the political clubs became more and more popular - especially in the Midlands and the North. While the aims of the clubs were modest at first - simply an extension of the franchise - the fear of revolution held by the ruling circles soon gave vent to repression.

In an atmosphere of paranoia bordering on the absurd, the Government suspended Habeas Corpus, and the infamous Sidmouth `Gagging Acts' were passed. (Lord Sidmouth was the Home Secretary.) All public meetings were forbidden, except under licence from local magistrates. Pubs and coffee houses, as especially notorious places for radical gatherings, were covered by the Acts, as were all public places. `Sedition', that is to say opposition to the Government whether by speech or written word, was to be punished severely.

As the discontent reached fever pitch, the first `hunger march' of the unemployed was organised. At the beginning of 1817, the textile workers of Manchester decided to petition the Prince Regent for political reform and relief of the unemployed. The idea was to march to London, over a period of six days, in order to present the petition. The men would sleep anywhere, on the ground, or in churches, but would take a blanket with them they were rapidly called the `Blanketeers'.

About 12,000, entirely peaceful, supporters of the Blanketeers turned out to greet the start of the march - but the authorities arrested a score or more of the main leaders and dispersed the crowd with troops of dragoons. Despite this, some several hundred marchers had already left, but large numbers were forcibly stopped at Stockport. 500 marchers reached Leek, but as they marched towards Derby they found the Hanging Bridge over the River Dove at Ashbourne occupied by masses of troops who were expecting an army of 30,000 rebels! Most of the Blanketeers turned away, but 25 were arrested in Ashbourne itself, and a few got to Derby only one marcher reached London to present his petition.

Throughout the spring of 1817, the Government set up a network of spies and political provocateurs. The aim would be not only to be aware of trouble, but also to anticipate it. The line between anticipation and prematurely forcing rebellion was fine. But the latter tactic would be ideal for the Government.

One particular agent became famous for his work in Pentrich. As early as the attack on the Prince Regent's coach, `Oliver, the spy' was heard at the Horse Guards "inveighing in such loud and seditious terms against the Prince Regent as to collect a crowd around him". If such was so, then it is tempting to speculate as to whether one of the very acts that justified the repressive legislation was itself a `put up job'. Either way, it certainly didn't take much to inflame the crowd against the Prince Regent.

Oliver passed through Derby on the 26th April on his way north. Having to wait for fresh horses on the public coach, he called upon Robertshaw, the landlord of the Talbot Inn, a local meeting place for radicals. Travelling on his way, Oliver attended a meeting at Wakefield of delegates from across the disaffected counties. One Thomas Bacon of Pentrich was there. Once taken into Bacon's confidence, Oliver was able, a month later, to return to Derby when he stayed at the Talbot Inn. While in the town, he met with a group of six local activists in the upstairs room at the Three Salmons.

Presenting himself as a delegate of a `Committee of gentlemen in London', Oliver intimated that his mission was to "ascertain the sentiments of the people respecting Parliamentary Reform". Only `physical force' was worth trying, he argued. Petitions were a waste of time. The local men responded that the country was not ready - but Oliver told them they were mistaken, "half the country is in an organised state. particularly the manufacturing districts". Some places were only with difficulty prevented from armed action, he claimed. Despite the fact that the six locals thought Derby to be "a very loyal place", Oliver asked that something be done - even only as a token. For "the business would be done in London, where sixty or seventy thousand armed men would be raised in an hour or two's notice".

So the Derbyshire men had only to show that they were in support of this fictitious great national uprising. How could they know the reality? Communications were expensive, limited and dangerous. Thomas Bacon had seen Oliver in action as a `London delegate' already. Bacon had been a radical activist for thirty years. He was later to be described as of "rude and uncultured" appearance, and yet as one who possessed "an excellent natural understanding, a degree of knowledge far beyond the attainment of men of his condition of life". The authorities were well aware of his history and believed him intent on channelling Luddism into a political revolutionary response. A Pentrich Hampden Club owed its existence to Bacon

Pentrich was particularly vulnerable to suggestions of violent militaristic action, for local feelings were running very high. With Luddism and Hampden Clubs well established in the area, the news of the execution of seven Luddites from Loughborough and another in Nottingham in April must have inflamed opinion in the surrounding parts. More importantly, however, four men were currently due to be executed for setting fire to Colonel Wingfield Hatton's haystacks at South Wingfield, very near to Pentrich. Hatton was the local magistrate and squire, so a good deal of anger was generated amongst the commoners about the affair. The four men, George Booth aged 21, John Brown aged 38, Thomas Jackson aged 20 and John King aged 24, all protested their innocence to the very end. One of them was buried in Pentrich in August, after the rebellion. The church funeral service was marked by bitterness. The established church, by and large, counted for little in these remote districts, newly acquiring large populations from mines and textile production, except as the most unrelenting voice of `law and order'.

However, one Hugh Woolstenholme of Crich, who was the new curate of Pentrich, had sharply radical views. The authorities had scant regard for Hugh Woolstenholme he was "of the lowest order of clergyman, uneducated, of vulgar habits, and low connects". In fact he had attended Sheffield Grammar School and Trinity College, Cambridge, but no matter - a parson had to be a gentleman, a man at least related to property-owners and often was a local magistrate. Woolstenholme, however, was a revolutionary!

Various local dignitaries sensed the rising tide of anger in the area. John Fletcher, proprietor of the Ripley Brewery, made a sworn statement on the 6th June that he was upset by the "frequent private assemblies of Hampden Clubs". There had been three meetings in the previous week with over a hundred present at each one. Fletcher claimed that the "few respectable inhabitants had hidden their valuables because of alarm in the area". The local paper positively and firmly blamed the Hampden Clubs after the event, saying that Monday, 9th June, was "fixed for a general insurrection in Lancashire, Yorkshire, Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire", and that immense bodies of men, armed with guns, pikes and other offensive weapons, were to have marched out of Lancashire and Yorkshire, over the north-eastwardly side of this county and the westwardly side of Nottinghamshire, into the town of Nottingham". Such a description is so far from reality that it's oddly reassuring to find that newspapers could get it so wildly wrong in the 19th century as they sometimes do today!

In truth, the establishment was well prepared for it all and there was no surprise amongst the authorities. Indeed, in readiness for the anticipated event, over 100 selected and reliable men out of the 700 employed at the Butterley Iron Works, only up the road from Pentrich, were sworn in as special constables, Similar preparations were taken elsewhere, notably at Nottingham, the supposed centre of the rebellion, but it proved impossible to provoke a response from the Hampden Clubs there of the same order as in Pentrich.

There were three men, other than Bacon, who were to feature prominently in the Pentrich affair. Jeremiah Brandreth, or the `Nottingham Captain', was to actually lead the rebellion. Despite some rather wild stories about his origins, Brandreth was an unemployed framework knitter from Sutton in Ashfield. He had, almost certainly, been involved in Luddite activities

Sunday 8th June 1817, Brandreth spoke at a crowded meeting in the White Horse Inn in Pentrich. Repeating, with total belief, Oliver's tale of a grand revolt about to open up all over the country, Brandreth recited some verses of his own composition. Every man "must turn out and fight for bread. The time is come you plainly see, The Government opposed must be". Calling on the men to march to Nottingham, he told them that they would each be given 100 guineas, bread, beef and ale. Over 16,000 men would rise at Nottingham and the Derbyshire contingent would take boats down the Trent to seize Newark.

The rebels assembled at 10 am at Hunt's Barn in Garner's Lane, South Wingfield, to march to Ripley. Recruits from Heage and Belper reinforced the march at Ripley and, by the time it arrived at Codnor with another 70 men from Swanwick, there were well over 400 insurgents. On their way to Nottingham, they called at nine or ten houses to collect arms and in one or two cases press-ganged men to join the rebellion. Most were armed simply with sticks with a piece of iron or spikes attached to them. The Government preferred to call them pikes, but the military connotations were rather exaggerated. Most carried hayforks or freshly peeled tree poles studded with nails. In truth the men were very sparsely armed, contrary to the claims in the local paper that the "insurgents from Pentrich possessed themselves of all the guns, and fire arms (in the district) of which they had accurate account, which were found on them".

At some houses the farmers were forced to provide provisions, but not all were reluctant to assist. At Samuel Hunt's farmhouse, bread, cheese and beer were freely given by him to the insurgents. Hunt was to be rewarded with transportation for life for his generosity and involvement. At the Squire's door, violence was threatened, but not carried out, in reprisal for the forthcoming hangings in August. The Squire was Colonel Wingfield Hatton, whose haystacks had been fired in April. Then the column split into two to cover the area better, aiming to gather further recruits and provisions. Brandreth, William Turner and Isaac Ludlam took one group, while George Weightman and Edward Turner took the other. The most serious incident of the rebellion was about to take place. It was Brandreth's group that visited the home of Mrs Hepworth. The `Captain' banged on the door asking for arms, while those inside refused to open up. A few of the rebels went to the rear of the house, where a window was broken, and a random, warning shot was fired inside. The servant, Robert Walters, fell mortally wounded as he bent down. Proof of deliberate murder was never provided, nor was there more than a suspicion that it was Brandreth who fired the shot. Moreover, no one was charged with murder, nor did anyone admit to such a crime. It was enough, however, to blacken the whole column with murderous intentions.

By early morning, the two groups had come together again and had reached Eastwood. There, two magistrates accompanied by twenty fully armed men and Officers of the 15th Light Dragoons, met them. Mundy, one of the magistrates, afterwards described the confrontation: "we came in sight of the mob who though at three quarters of a mile's distance from us no sooner saw the troops, then they fled in all directions. throwing away their arms". Not a single shot was fired and, within a very short space of time, 48 men were captured.Some, however, stayed at large for quite a while. Isaac Ludlam was arrested at Uttoxeter, Brandreth at Bulwell and George Weightman at Eccleston, near Sheffield. Thomas and John Bacon were not caught until the 15th August and then only by virtue of the enormous reward of 100 guineas offered for their betrayal.

William J. Oliver aka 'Oliver the Spy' aka W.J Richards

The Head of Jeremiah Brandreth, or the `Nottingham Captain'

Most were armed simply with sticks with a piece of iron or spikes attached to them

John Cartwright is usually regarded as the founder of the Hampden Clubs

Authorities dispersed the crowd with troops of dragoons

Derbyshire early 19 th century

Jeremiah Brandreth, or the `Nottingham Captain'

The establishment now proceeded to extract retribution it would be vindictive and effective. Within two weeks of the event it was announced that: "Ann Weightman, widow, who has kept the White Horse public house at Pentridge for several years, was convicted. of having permitted seditious meetings and, in particular, a meeting on Sunday, 8th instant", when Brandreth had called upon the men to join the rising. In consequence, her licence to sell ale was revoked, thus depriving her of her livelihood. In a similar move, the Duke of Devonshire announced a strict inquiry into the tenancies of any men involved in the insurrection.

More serious would be the punishment meted out to the leaders, all of the prisoners were isolated until the time of their trial in Derby their relatives sold everything, down to their beds, to provide funds for their defence and a committee was formed in London to campaign for their release. 46 men of Pentrich, South Wingfield, Alfreton and Heanor, were indicted at the Derby Assizes on 26th July 1817 as having committed High Treason, along with "a multitude of false traitors, . 500 or more". The overwhelming majority of those on trial were labourers and framework knitters, but there was one each of a farmer, tailor, blacksmith and sawyer. There were also two stonemasons. Fully eleven of those charged were still not caught by February of the next year.

A Special Commission of four judges had 35 of those charged before them on 16th October 1817 at Derby. A full trial, lasting ten days, ensued, before a jury packed with rich farmers. The prosecution had deliberately held over the trial to October, until after the harvest, so that such a jury would be available.

Each group of defendants faced a different jury, but the first business was the calling of a Grand Jury that had to decide if there was sufficient evidence for a case to be answered. The composition of the Grand Jury, double normal size, gave new meaning to the phrase `jury by peers'! For it was comprised of the cream of Derbyshire's ruling class: - nobility, rich farmers and textile tycoons crammed the jurors' seats.

The indictment left nothing to chance for it was several pages long. The main thrust of it was that the prisoners did: "with force and arms at the parish of South Wingfield aforesaid, in the county of Derby aforesaid, maliciously and traitorously amongst themselves, and together with divers other false traitors, whose names are to the said jurors unknown, did compass, imagine, invent, devise, and intend to levy war against our said Lord the King, within this realm, in order by forces and constraint to compel him to change his measures and counsels, and the said last-mentioned compassing imagination, invention, device and intention did then and there express, utter and declare, by divers overt acts and deeds hereinafter mentioned, that is to say, in order to fulfill, perfect and bring to effect, their most evil and wicked treason and treasonable compassing, imagination, invention, device and intention last aforesaid, That's to say, by force of arms they intended to wage war against the King to get him to change his policy to one they agreed with!

The prosecution held Oliver the spy, the instigator of it all, in reserve in Derby, well out of sight. All they had to do was to prove the insurrection occurred and that the prisoners were part of it. The defence, meanwhile, ineptly argued that Brandreth was misled and duped! Defence lawyer, Cross, put it like this: "I cannot help alluding. to one of the most malignant and diabolical publications ever issued from the English press. it is entitled - `An address to the Journeymen and Labourers'".

Not that their defence was extremely unsympathetic to the plight of the rebels he drew attention to the evidence of Thomas Turner, a state witness, who said nothing of the indictment's claim that the insurgents aimed to overturn the Government. "At Elijah Hall's (the) men told him they wanted a bigger loaf and better times for the framework knitters, and if this were high treason he feared that there were many persons in that hall guilty of the crime".

But why clutch at straws like this, when there was hard defensive evidence? Brandreth's solicitor took a statement from him before the trial, not used by him, but which clearly identified Oliver's role. In this, Brandreth explains the Three Salmon's meeting, attended by Oliver, where he claimed that the entire country was ready to rise. Oliver said, "he could raise 70,000 men in London. (but). the people in London would not be satisfied unless Nottingham was perfectly secured" to safeguard the passage over the Trent for the supposed northern forces.

Moreover, everyone seemed to know about Oliver's doings. Joseph Strutt, a well-to-do local liberal, wrote in a private letter to his uncle, Lord Belper, that many wondered how it was that nothing of Oliver came out in the trial, but such was the cunning of the prosecution that, "not a single witness was brought forward against the prisoners who had ever had anything to do with Oliver. The prosecution commenced by the examination of men who had been at a meeting only the night before the rising took place, and after Oliver had left them, so that anything which took place before that time would not have been admitted as evidence".

The Government had learned from previous cases that the evidence of a spy tended not to help the prosecution, for there is an almost natural aversion of people to the sneak. Moreover, if evidence is secured by devious and lying means, how could any jury be sure that the evidence was really sound? It was essential that a death sentence was reached, at least in the case of the leaders, to place on record a warning to the radical movement.

There was another clever sidestepping manoeuvre on the part of the Crown Brandreth was taken as the main culprit, and not Bacon who was, in reality, the leading radical in Pentrich. There was good reason for this move, for Bacon had set it all up, in good faith, with Oliver. To accept Bacon as the leader would mean providing him with an opportunity to mention Oliver. Bacon was induced to plead guilty in return for sparing his life and Brandreth's case was taken first. Bacon later wrote: "When I was first in prison some magistrates came, I offered to tell (them of) the affair, but Mr Lockett, the prosecutor, discharged me from speaking one word. I was the first man in the indictment, it was the King against Thomas Bacon and others. My trial was supposed to come on. first".

Political dissidents had chalked up the slogan "JURYMEN REMEMBER OLIVER!", somewhat in vain, on the walls of Derby before the trial. But Oliver's part did not come out in the trial and Brandreth was found guilty on Saturday, 18th October, after only twenty-five minutes consideration. William Turner's trial started on Monday and in turn he, Isaac Ludlam and George Weightman were all found guilty, after much the same evidence. Turner's jury was out for fifteen minutes, Ludlam's for only ten. In mitigation for Weightman, Cross argued that he was "led by delusion into a riotous assemblage. (he) . was incapable of committing any outrageous act". The jury of ten farmers, one miller and one master cotton spinner were not especially moved.

While the greater part of the other prisoners were either released or condemned to transportation, the capital sentence of high treason was pronounced on Brandreth, Turner and Ludlam. The judge made their offence clear: - "Your object was to wade through the blood of your countrymen to extinguish the Laws and Constitution of the country, and to substitute for the liberty of your fellow subjects - anarchy". Nine prisoners followed who had pleaded not guilty originally, but who had now changed their plea to guilty. Ten pleaded guilty outright and these were formally sentenced to death, commuted to transportation and gaol. The Attorney General offered no evidence against twelve, mainly young relatives of the principals. The Chief Baron, in acquitting them, said that while he might have been pronouncing death he believed that by "taught wisdom. you will lead more correct lives. (as). you have been misled by others". Of those that pleaded not guilty, eleven were pardoned from death and transported for life, three for fourteen years and others were imprisoned - one for two years, two for one year and three for six months.

Brandreth and his colleagues waited for their deaths. A fruitless campaign to save them was waged, for the Prince Regent believed himself to be acting magnanimously in response to a plea for clemency by remitting the quartering - they were only to be hanged and decapitated.

Certainly Brandreth was outraged at the role of Oliver. Joseph Strutt wrote to his uncle, "Mr Wragg, the solicitor of the prisoners, was refused admittance to see Brandreth on Sunday last, and Lockett (not with his usual cunning) let out that he was afraid of Wragg seeing him, for that he (Brandreth) had ever since his condemnation talked of nothing else but Oliver, and that he was a murderer, etc., I hope he will speak and tell all that he knows when on the scaffold."

Brandreth was a family man, with a girl of four years of age and a boy of one year. His wife, Anne, was pregnant and, being penniless, had to walk the whole way (around fifteen miles) from Sutton in Ashfield to Derby, arriving on Wednesday, 29th October, to say farewell to her husband. Brandreth’s last letter to Anne was written on the Friday morning. He left word for some money to be given to her. Finishing the letter, he sounded calm, "my dearly beloved wife this is the last correspondence I can have with you. So you will make yourself easy as you possibly can". Signing off as "your most affectionate husband", Brandreth says "adieu, adieu, to all for ever".

Strutt revealed that crowds of people flocked into Derby to see the execution "and the horseguards are parading our streets", he warned. Indeed, the militia were very much afraid that a last minute attempt to rescue the three men would be made. A great force of cavalry, armed with drawn sabres, surrounded the scaffold. Several companies of infantry were also present, all to ensure that the crowds did not interfere with the judicial killings. Thousands were assembled in Friar Gate when Brandreth, Turner and Ludlam were brought out at 12 noon. Brandreth walked with a firm step to the scaffold and said to all "God be with you all and health to Lord Castlereagh". The rope was put around his neck and Turner was brought next, to say: "This is all old Oliver and the Government". Ludlam, a Methodist preacher, merely addressed a prayer to the people. But no sign of repentance was shown by any of the condemned, despite much pressure to do so.

Cobbett, in a personal letter to Henry Hunt written from America on 6th February 1818 (lodged in Derby local studies library), relates how much anxiety and manoeuvring was shown by the authorities, all designed to prevent the men speaking the truth on the scaffold. His explanation for this was that the authorities wanted the three to specifically mention himself, Hunt, as responsible, to provide an excuse to move against the leadership of the radical movement.

The men were dropped from the trap to hang for half an hour. Hanging in those days did not instantly break the neck, but slowly strangled the victim to death. The men were lifted, eventually, to have their heads severed - the job was done ham-fistedly on all of them, for the executioner obviously unused to the task, could not sever the head from the body with the axe and had to cut it off with a knife. Bear in mind that the thirty minutes strangulation might not have killed the men. Finally, the executioner held Brandreth's head up by the hair saying: "This is the head of Jeremiah Brandreth, a traitor". Three times, Strutt relates, "there was a general expression of dissatisfaction by groans and hisses etc., The whole affair created a great sense of indignation amongst the local population, the events, Strutt thought, were "horrifying to the feelings of those who have a spark of liberty".

Percy Byshe Shelley, the poet, wrote a bitterly sharp pamphlet after he read of the execution and the death in childbirth of Princess Charlotte, only daughter of the Prince Regent, in the same newspaper. The latter event was dwelt on with all solemnity as a national tragedy, the former seemed to Shelley to be the real calamity. Contrasting the private grief associated with the death of an amiable young lady with the bloody brutality of the slaying of the Pentrich Three, Shelley followed them to the grave in imagination. Conjuring up the tempo of a funeral march in his sentences, it was not the funeral of three men he saw in his mind's eye, but that of British liberty. The realism of this poetic licence has in the past caused some to believe quite erroneously that Shelley was actually present at the execution, but this was not so.

Thus, a framework knitter, a quarryman and a stonemason were `privileged' to be the last recipients of such a punishment in the provinces. All three coffins were buried in one deep, unmarked grave in St Werburgh's churchyard, not far from the place of execution. It is unarguably a location worthy of some lasting memorial to three martyrs in the long fight for democracy in Britain, but sadly, to Derby's shame, there is none.

As for those rebels left facing punishment, ten of fourteen prisoners left Derby gaol for deportation on Friday, 28th November the others were left at Derby to follow on because of illness. They were all, rightly so, very bitter about their treatment, especially when they compared it to the discharge, on bail, of the only other rebels to respond to Oliver's provocation. In Huddersfield, a capital charge against others failed because the evidence relied upon was that of accomplices. Many of the transportees were able to survive the rigours of Australia, although some died as convicts. All serving life sentences received a pardon on 1st January 1835. The last surviving rebel was George Weightman who died in 1865. The future was slightly kinder to Oliver who left for South Africa in 1820, where he had a job as Inspector of Buildings. He was to die, inauspiciously, in August 1827.

What of the lessons of the entire event? The political reform movement was blamed for complicity in an entirely government manufactured conspiracy. The Duke of Newcastle (who was Lord Lieutenant of Nottinghamshire) wrote to Sidmouth shortly after the march of the rebels, inferring that the authorities had deliberately allowed the event to occur: "As your Lordship is aware the plot had been hatching for some time, which we knew, and were prepared accordingly". Only by expecting an entirely different support for insurrection than actually existed would Brandreth and the men have embarked upon what was surely self-destruction. Only Oliver gave them any reason to expect otherwise, for they themselves were initially sceptical.

Was it simply a government created folly? E.P. Thompson has seen Pentrich as "one of the first attempts in history to mount a wholly proletarian insurrection, without middle class support". The true nature of Pentrich has been variously distorted as a rebellion, or a revolution, an expression of the desire of common folk for armed uprising. In reality, it was largely a deliberate provocation by the State. The motive? To crush the yearnings for democracy. In a letter in 1831, Lord Melbourne, a former Home Secretary, recalled that there was "much reason to suspect that the rising. was stimulated, if not produced, by the artifices of Oliver".

That there was a willingness of the people to take to arms, cannot be denied - that they were eager to do so can. There was not a revolutionary situation in England at that time, but there was a serious political situation.

Perhaps to the modern mind, used to de-stabilisation techniques and political dirty tricks of all kinds, the notion that Pentrich was part of a government plot to justify greater repression does not sound bizarre. Pentrich happened in the days of infancy for British capitalism - but the cool cynicism of the State machine was far from childish.

Some images from Wikipedia (Used under Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License)


Se videoen: QI 1x05- Rob Brydon, Rich Hall, Gyles Brandreth TD.avi (Juli 2022).


Kommentarer:

  1. Misar

    Det matchløse svar;)

  2. Derell

    Undskyld for at blande sig ... men dette emne er meget tæt på mig. Skriv til PM.

  3. Sully

    Jeg beklager, men efter min mening begår du en fejl. Skriv til mig i PM, så kommunikerer vi.

  4. Sekou

    Beklager, at jeg afbryder dig, der er et forslag om, at vi bør tage en anden vej.

  5. Herald

    It has nothing to say - keep quiet so as not to bog down the issue.



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