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Ali Bhutto Hung - Historie

Ali Bhutto Hung - Historie



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I 1978 blev et militærkup ledet af general Zia uden siddepræsident Bhutto. Bhutto blev anklaget for korruption og dømt til døden. På trods af anmodninger fra mange verdens ledere hang den nye pakistanske regering Bhutto den 5. april.

“To Men, One Grave ” — The Execution of Pakistan ’s Ali Bhutto

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, grundlægger af Pakistan People ’s Party (PPP), fungerede som præsident for Pakistan i 1970'erne. I 1977 var modstanden mod Bhutto og OPP vokset på grund af hændelser med undertrykkelse, korruption og påstået valgsvindel. Vold eskalerede over Pakistan, og Bhutto blev styrtet af sin hærchef, general Zia-ul-Haq. Bhutto blev sat for retten for at have autoriseret mordet på en politisk modstander, og henrettet den 4. april 1979. Hans parti forbliver dog Pakistans største nationale politiske parti, og hans datter, Benazir Bhutto, fungerede som premierminister før hendes attentat i en bombning fra 2007. Benazirs mand, Asif Ali Zardari, fungerede som præsident fra 2008-13.

Peter Constable var vicemissionschef i Islamabad fra 1976 til 1979. I disse uddrag fra sin mundtlige historie diskuterer Constable begivenhederne op til kuppet, der afsatte Bhutto, såvel som USA's engagement. Han blev interviewet af Charles Stuart Kennedy fra januar 1990.

Du kan også læse om den indisk-pakistanske krig i 1965 og atomprøvningerne i 1998. Læs om, hvordan præsident Zia og USA's ambassadør Arne Raphel døde i et flystyrt. Gå her for at læse andre øjeblikke i Syd Centralasien.

Presset inden for militæret voksede for at gøre noget

KONSTABEL: I foråret 1977 fandt Bhutto temmelig hurtigt ud af, at det virkelig ikke ville tage ham nogen steder at forsøge at skubbe sine vanskeligheder over for USA i et forsøg på at skabe en slags grund til støtte baseret på nationalisme og anti-amerikanisme . Oppositionen blev ikke kælet af denne indsats. Faktisk var der ingen stor anti-amerikansk samling i landet.

Så Bhutto begyndte at træde tilbage fra dette og lede efter måder at nå en slags indkvartering hos os. Men hans vanskeligheder på gaderne fortsatte og blev endda værre. Saudierne blev meget aktive i forsøget på at mægle en form for kompromis mellem Bhutto og hans politiske modstandere. I et stykke tid så det ud som om de kunne blive en succes. Det var meget klart, at Bhutto skulle give noget meget væsentligt, f.eks. Overvågning af nye valg på en eller anden måde. Den overraskende udvikling var vel den kendsgerning, at Zia i midten af ​​denne mæglingsindsats fra saudierne gjorde sit skridt og væltede Bhutto.

Zia var

stabschefen for hæren, der var blevet håndplukket af Bhutto formodentlig fordi han ville være afhængig af Bhutto, ikke var højt nok i militæret, havde ikke den prestige at drive militæret som en selvstændig enhed. Og Bhutto troede, at han ville være afhængig af ham, hvilket Zia faktisk så ud til at være i en periode.

Men presset inden for militæret voksede for at gøre noget. Det, militæret altid har hadet i Pakistan, skal bruges som en styrke til opretholdelse af den civile orden og vende deres våben mod befolkningen. Og det var den følelse, der fik Zia til at slå til.

Det ville have været mere forståeligt, hvis han havde foretaget sit skridt efter et sammenbrud af den saudiske mæglingsindsats, men han bevægede sig midt i det af grunde, der ikke er helt klare. I en af ​​de ting, der sker, en række tilfældigheder, var ambassadør Hummel netop ankommet til Pakistan og havde præsenteret sine legitimationsoplysninger for præsident Chowdri.

Som en del af hans ønske om at afkøle tingene med USA havde Bhutto tilkendegivet, at han ville komme til vores fjerde juli fest. Så der skulle gøres en indsats for at arrangere en mulighed for Hummel til at ringe til Bhutto. Fordi Bhutto var fanget i denne meget udførlige og intense politiske forhandling, var det svært at planlægge en aftale.

Q: Jeg kan påpege, at for dem, der ikke er klar over diplomatiske finesser, skal ambassadøren stort set opfordre premierministeren, før premierministeren kan komme til at ringe omvendt.

KONSTABEL: Præcis. Det er et protokollært punkt, men et vigtigt punkt i forholdet mellem stater. Under alle omstændigheder forsikrede Bhuttos medhjælper hele tiden Hummel om, at Bhutto ville se ham og stå ved siden af. Godt, vi var til 3. juli og derefter til nat den 3. juli, og receptionen var ved middagstid den 4.. Endelig, i de små timer den fjerde juli, omkring 12:30 om morgenen, eller klokken et, fik Hummel sit opkald til at komme og se Bhutto. Så han travt behørigt derovre.

Og dagen efter dukkede Bhutto op ved middagen den fjerde juli fest. Og faktisk var alle der, der tællede i Pakistan. Oppositionens politiske ledere var der. General Zia var der. Landets præsident var der. Jeg nævner kun dette, fordi det var den aften, omkring klokken elleve eller midnat, at Zia foretog sit træk og væltede Bhutto.

Vælte Bhutto: Et velkomstkup?

Jeg er sikker på, at der er mange mennesker i Pakistan, der den dag i dag mener, at den særegne kæde af hændelser på en eller anden måde vil se Bhutto klokken et om morgenen, Bhutto dukker op på ambassaden ved middagstid og bliver væltet den nat, var noget konstrueret af USA.

Sp .: Var du bekymret for, at nogen i vores ambassadesamfund blandede sig og opmuntrede militæret?

KONSTABEL: Nej, slet ikke, slet ikke. Vi ville se en slags fredelig løsning på dette. Saudiernes mæglingsindsats så lovende ud på det tidspunkt, og vi syntes, at den havde en rimelig chance for succes.

Vi stod på afstand fra dette. Vi søgte ikke at involvere os som en mægler. Vi var bekymrede over, hvad der foregik i Pakistan, fordi der var en enorm stand-off og forstyrrelse i Pakistan som følge af eftervirkningen af ​​valget og denne opposition i gaderne til Bhutto.

Men jeg tror, ​​som jeg sagde i det sidste interview, at vores forhold til Bhutto havde været meget godt op til valget. Vi havde en stor uenighed med ham, og den var vigtig over Pakistans atompolitik. Det er et problem, der stadig er i dag.

Men ellers troede vi, at Bhutto havde været en styrke for stabilitet og havde klaret sig godt. Vi syntes ikke, at hans rekord var frygtelig spektakulær på den økonomiske side. Men vi forstod også, at han i sin anden administration havde til hensigt at ændre sin politik på en mere markedsorienteret måde, som vi troede ville være godt for landet.

Så vi havde ingen politiske forskelle med Bhutto, med Pakistan, undtagen over atomspørgsmålet. Og vi troede ikke, at nogen andre ville blive lettere at håndtere. Jeg tror, ​​begivenheder har vist os ret. Zia var ikke lettere at håndtere i atomspørgsmålet. Man står altid tilbage og forsøger at vurdere, om et kup kommer til at være effektivt, og om de mennesker, der har foretaget kuppet, kan etablere orden og etablere sig ved magten. Så man har en tendens til at undgå at tage nogen skridt, der sanktionerer kuppet….

Som det viste sig i Pakistan, syntes kuppet at blive hilst velkommen. Oppositionen, der havde skabt Bhutto i gaderne, hilste det bestemt velkommen, og Bhuttos eget parti virkede ganske passivt. De gik ikke på gaden og modstod virkningerne af dette. Selve kuppet var blodløst og midt om natten. Nogle soldater marcherede ind i Bhuttos kvarterer, vækkede ham og meddelte ham, at han var anholdt. Der var tilsyneladende ingen modstand fra præsidentvagter eller noget i den stil. Så vi lærte ikke om kuppet før den følgende morgen, da vi vågnede, og folk tændte deres radioer og kampsport spillede. Der blev suspenderet den normale programmering.

Jeg kørte ind til ambassaden omkring klokken otte, den sædvanlige time, og politibetjenten, Arnie Raphel, der efterfølgende var ambassadør i Pakistan og blev dræbt der i flystyrtet med Zia for halvandet år siden, ventede for mig foran ambassaden. Han sagde, “Der var et kup i aftes. ” Jeg var forbløffet. Tidspunktet for det, som jeg sagde tidligere, var totalt uventet.

Så det første, en ambassade gør i en sådan situation, er at forsøge at indsamle så mange oplysninger, rapportere tilbage til Washington, så Washington alligevel ikke er mere overrasket, end ambassaden var. Og prøv derefter at vurdere, hvad vi synes, at udsigterne er for en sådan regering, hvad de kan gøre, og hvad virkningen af ​​dette ville have på forholdet mellem USA og Pakistan… .Det er klart, at tingene, Washington ønskede at vide, var: hvilken slags regeringen er dette sandsynligvis? Hvilken slags person er Zia? Er han sandsynligvis en effektiv leder?

Og helt ærligt, vores vurdering dengang var, at Zia var en soldat og sandsynligvis ikke ville være meget hurtig som politiker, og at han bedre kunne finde ud af at overføre magten til en civil regering, fordi han sandsynligvis ikke ville kunne klare sagen. Selvfølgelig kunne vi ikke have taget mere fejl. Jeg tror, ​​vi havde ret i starten. De bevægelser, han foretog politisk, var meget klodset, men han lærte hurtigt. Inden for seks måneder havde han demonstreret, at han virkelig havde ansvaret og vidste, hvad han lavede. Han varede i ti år, indtil hans død i flyulykken. Han viste sig at være en meget klog og klog politiker og meget dygtig til at manøvrere sine modstandere.

“Bhutto -fænomenet var ikke forbi ”

Men på det tidspunkt troede vi, at han hellere måtte få gang i sagen og finde en vej til valg og komme tilbage derfra inden for to eller tre måneder. Og det var faktisk det, han oprindeligt ville gøre. Men det viste sig fra hans perspektiv ikke muligt. Han anholdt Bhutto inden for en måned, hvor han lod Bhutto komme ud. Og han talte om at have valg i september eller oktober.

Dette var i begyndelsen af ​​juli, da han blev styrtet, og han talte om at være tilbage fra kontoret om tre måneder. Hans beregning var, at Bhutto ville blive så miskrediteret af afsløringer, at regeringen derefter begyndte at udtale sig om Bhuttos ugjerninger, at landet kunne have valg, og Bhutto ville tabe. Det var en fejlberegning, for Bhutto -fænomenet var slet ikke forbi. Han forblev en ekstremt populær politisk skikkelse. Da han blev løsladt fra fængslet, begyndte han straks at organisere massive politiske demonstrationer. Og de var enorme. Der var bare enorme valgdeltagelser, da han tog til Lahore og til Karachi. Disse skræmte regeringen, så de måtte finde ud af noget andet.

Det blev til en

forælder, hvis der var tidlige valg, som Bhutto ville vinde. Og det ville være utåleligt for hæren, der lige havde smidt ham ud. De havde foretaget en alvorlig fejlberegning om, hvad virkningen af ​​Bhuttos arrestation ville have på folkets parti, på hans støtte.

Den slags ting, vi sagde til regeringen, var, ja, du skal gå til valg, for vi troede ikke, at Zia kunne klare dette politisk. Og vi følte også, at Pakistan skulle have demokratiske institutioner, at den eneste måde i sidste ende, at Pakistan kunne udvikle politisk stabilitet, var gennem udøvelse af et mere demokratisk system.

Men Zia bakkede op og udsatte valg. Han lovede løbende valg, men de begyndte at trække sig tilbage i en fjernere fremtid, indtil han fandt ud af en anden plan. Derefter havde han efterfølgende valg. Han havde nogle ikke-partivalg. Alt dette var efter at jeg havde forladt Pakistan. Efter denne skræk for Zia, da han slap Bhutto ud, og det blev tydeligt, at Bhutto stadig var en meget populær skikkelse, var det dengang, at Zia og hans rådgivere udviklede strategien for at prøve Bhutto for sine gerninger og derefter i sidste ende få ham dømt til døden og hængte ham.

Sp .: Han blev hængt den 4. april 1979. Hvilken rolle spillede vi, som du så det dengang, for denne udvikling?

Disse virkninger af opmærksomhed på menneskerettigheder, større interesse i Indien var mere sandt i perioden op til Bhuttos styrt eller måske et par måneder før det. Jeg tror, ​​at noget af det begyndte at vige for lidt mere realpolitik opfattelse som Carter Administration fandt verden måske mere kompliceret end den oprindeligt havde troet.

Administrationen hørte fra shahen, at han var interesseret i stabilitet i Pakistan. Og som enhver administration finder, kan du ikke helt spille det spil med Indien, som folk kan lide at tro, du kan. Her er verdens største demokrati. Vi burde have så meget til fælles, hvorfor kan vi ikke lave fælles sag og være virkelig nære venner? Indianerne havde deres særlige forhold til Sovjet, deres egne fjendtligheder over for kineserne, deres vanskeligheder med Pakistan og betydelig fjendskab mod USA. Så de var aldrig en spiller, som vi helt kunne bringe i spil, som nogle mennesker havde en tendens til at tænke. Det lykkedes bare aldrig.

Så en ’s opmærksomhed blev nogle gange vendt tilbage til Pakistan, selvom man ikke helt startede derude. Så tror jeg, at det var i 󈨒, der var kup i Afghanistan af kommunister. Det vakte stor bekymring i Pakistan og i Iran og i Washington. Så der var en ændring. Nu gav vi ikke op på visse grundlæggende præmisser. Vi fortsatte med at tro, at Pakistan i sidste ende måtte vende tilbage til demokratiske processer. Men den måde, vi behandlede det på i Pakistan, kan have undergået et subtilt skift ...

Det var bestemt meget den måde, hændelser blev set i Pakistan af pakistanere. De var yderst bekymrede over dette. De havde i årtier regnet med, hvis ikke en alliance med USA, USA's velvilje og indflydelse for at holde sovjetisk indflydelse tilbage i Sydasien og et sovjetisk skub mod Det Indiske Ocean. Så de var dybt bekymrede over retningen af ​​amerikansk udenrigspolitik, og gik da virkelig i panik, da kuppet fandt sted i Afghanistan.

Bare ved en tilfældighed, da det skete, var Art Hummel væk i Washington, og jeg var igen Chargé. Jeg blev indkaldt af enten udenrigsministeren eller udenrigsministeren (jeg kan ikke huske, hvad han var dengang) udenrigsminister Agha Shahi, tror jeg, og spurgte, hvad dette kup betød for USA, og hvad det betød mht. Forholdet mellem USA og Pakistan. Det, han ledte efter, var vores fortolkning af dette kup i lyset af den bilaterale aftale fra 1959 med Pakistan, den bilaterale aftale mellem USA og Pakistan.

Jeg var i stand til at vende tilbage til ham efter at have rådført mig med Washington og allerede dagen efter fortælle ham, at vi så meget på begivenhederne i Afghanistan. Og at enhver trussel mod Pakistan fra en kommunistdomineret eller kommuniststyret magt ville udløse et svar fra USA i henhold til den bilaterale aftale fra 1959, som ikke specificerede, hvilken slags handling vi ville tage.

Det sagde ikke, at vi ville sende tropper ind eller noget i den stil, men implikationen var, at vi på en eller anden måde ville hjælpe Pakistan militært, enten med militært udstyr … Og vi ville bestemt bruge vores indflydelse til at beskytte Pakistan mod en kommunistisk trussel. De fandt det meget betryggende ....

“To mænd og en grav ”

Det påvirkede naturligvis også den måde, vi behandlede Zia -regimet på. Bestemt, fra øjeblikket for et kommunistisk kup i Afghanistan, ville vi ikke slå Zia om ørerne til det punkt, at hans regering kollapsede. Vi var i det mindste fra det tidspunkt virkelig interesseret i stabilitet i Pakistan. Nu fortsatte vi med at tro, at stabiliteten på lang sigt i dette land var afhængig af udviklingen af ​​demokratiske institutioner.

Men vi var ikke parate til at sige til Zia, at du måtte gå til side i morgen og komme videre med valg, fordi vi satte pris på det politiske dilemma, der fandtes i Pakistan, de dybe splittelser mellem OPP og resten af kroppen politisk ... .Vi observerede og rapporterede. Vi indtog ikke nogen form for politisk holdning til dette, udover at lade den pakistanske regering vide, lade Zia vide, at vi troede, at han var nødt til at finde en måde at komme videre til en valgproces og få hæren tilbage i kasernen og ude af strøm. Som jeg siger, skiftede den hast, hvormed denne besked blev leveret, med tiden, efterhånden som andre ting skete i regionen.

Mere vanskeligt for os, eller mere smertefuldt tror jeg for alle, var, hvad der ville ske med Bhutto, når Zia begyndte denne proces med en retssag, en offentlig retssag og derefter dømte ham til døden.

Logikken i det forekom mig altid, at ja, han var nødt til at slå ham ihjel, at den måde Zia havde konstrueret sin egen position på, var der ingen vej ud. Der var en Punjabi, der sagde: “To mænd og en grav. ” Den ene eller den anden måtte gå i den.

Selv da vi opfordrede ham, efter at Bhutto blev dømt til døden, tilgivet ham eller sendt ham i eksil eller på en eller anden måde for at skåne ham, følte jeg personligt, at logikken i det var, at Zia ikke kunne gøre det. Bhutto, ud af landet, ville for altid have været en trussel mod Zia's regime. Bhutto, i fængsel i landet, ville have været en lignende trussel. Zia byggede en politisk konstruktion, hvor Bhutto skulle elimineres, hvilket var uheldigt.

Vi fremsatte flere repræsentationer over for Zia og den pakistanske regering og opfordrede til, at Bhuttos liv blev skånet. Vi havde ikke en formel til at ordne de politiske problemer i Pakistan. Men vi gjorde det meget klart for Zia, at vi troede, det var en fejl, at vi også af menneskerettighedshensyn troede, at han burde skånes, selvom vi var nødt til at være meget forsigtige med dette, da vi har dødsstraf i vores eget land .

Så elementet i at modsætte sig dette som et menneskerettighedsspørgsmål var temmelig dæmpet. Vi udtrykker det i humanitære termer snarere end menneskerettigheder og politisk, at vi troede, at det var en fejl, at dette skete. Den slags var aldrig blevet gjort i Pakistan.

Hvilket det forekom mig var en objektiv lektion i den anden retning for Pakistan. Men det var et dilemma, fordi det analytisk var svært at se, hvordan Pakistan ville vende tilbage til nogen form for politisk stabilitet, mens Bhutto var en faktor. Hvis han vendte tilbage til magten, skulle han enten fjerne alle sine fjender, eller også ville hans fjender være tilbage på gaden, som de var lige før hans styrt. Så det var svært at se, hvordan landet kom sig ud af dette dilemma.

På en måde gjorde Zia det. Han tog lang tid, og han bevægede sig meget, meget langsomt gennem en række trin mod begrænset demokrati, valg uden for partier og udgjorde en forsamling, der gav mulighed for politisk udtryk og politisk debat. Men alligevel var der faktisk en slags krigsret oven på det med Zia, der kørte ting. Trin for trin bevægede han sig mod et flerpartidemokrati. Efter at han blev dræbt, flyttede de meget hurtigt og holdt valg.

Fænomenet Bhutto eksisterer naturligvis stadig ved, at hans datter nu er premierminister. Men jeg tror, ​​det har en anden kontekst til det nu, end det havde for ti år siden. Folk har ændret sig, og deres synspunkter har ændret sig. Mens hun har mange af sin fars kvaliteter og politiske evner, er Benazir ikke hendes far.

Landet er ikke det samme, som det var for ti år siden. Det er gået videre på vigtige måder. Så denne form for proces kan fungere nu, idet Pakistan muligvis kan gennemgå en række valg og udvikle en institutionel stabilitet, som den altid har manglet.


Her er historien om Zulfikar Ali Bhuttos sidste dage før han blev hængt

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto var unægtelig en populær leder. Hans utrolige karisma og aura samledes millioner bag ham, det gjorde ikke ondt at sloganet var ‘roti, kapra aur makaan‘. Men som historien ville have det, var Bhutto indblandet i politisk uro, der førte til hans hængning på netop denne dag, for næsten 40 år siden.

Kilde: History Pak

Her er hvad der skete, og hvordan Bhutto gik i historien som en kontroversiel figur, men alligevel en helt for mange:

Den 3. september 1977 blev Bhutto anholdt for anklager om mordet på hans politiske modstander Muhammad Ahmed Khan Kasuri.

Bhutto -familien kæmpede tilbage og vandt endda den første sag, der førte til frigivelse af Zulfikar ’s af Justice Samdani, som senere blev fjernet fra hans bænk af datidens militærregering. Bhutto blev anholdt på de samme anklager tre dage senere under “martial law ” og blev dømt til døden den 18. marts 1978.

I dagene op til sin død gennemgik Bhutto en meget følelsesmæssigt turbulent rejse. Da Benazir Bhutto, som selv var Pakistans premierminister, senere var hans eneste barn i landet på det tidspunkt, tilbragte de begge en betydelig mængde tid sammen under hans fængsel. Selvfølgelig blev deres møder altid holdt korte og blev stærkt overvåget. I mange interviews efter hendes fars hængning beskrev Benazir disse møder som intime, hvor de diskuterede spørgsmål om familie og fest.

Kilde: NewPakistaniFashion Blog

Det siges, at Bhutto var frygtelig hjertesyg på grund af befolkningen i Pakistan.

Det, der muligvis har forstyrret og måske skuffet Bhutto på det tidspunkt, var manglen på offentlig uenighed ved hans arrestation og dødsdom. Oberst Rafi, sikkerhedsansvarlig for Rawalpindi-fængslet på det tidspunkt, har fortalt historier om Bhutto, der altid foregriber nyheder om masseprotester og optøjer. Ifølge oberst Rafi udbrød Bhutto engang ‘Hvor er alle de bastarder, der var villige til at give deres liv for mig? ’

Kilde: History Pak

Men som tiden gik, overgav Bhutto sig til, at hans død var nær og begyndte at forsøge at finde fred med det.

Oberst Rafi og andre under hans kommando fortalte om en Bhutto, der var ganske i sine sidste dage. Han ville skrive meget, men ville snart indse, at ingen længere ville læse hans skrifter og ville brænde papirerne væk.

Den nøjagtige dag og tid, som Bhutto skulle hænges, var ukendt for de fleste mennesker, alle vidste bare, at det var tæt på.

Det var under disse omstændigheder, at Benazir sammen med Nusrat Bhutto, Bhuttos hustru, mødte Zulfikar for sidste gang under Zulfikars indespærring. I senere interviews afslørede Benazir, at hver gang hun mødte sin far, tog hun det som det sidste møde.

Kilde: Express Tribune

Det var midnat den 4. april 1979, da han blev fortalt om sin skæbne. Han bad om tid til at hvile, da han ikke var i stand til at gøre det natten før. Klokken 01.10 vågnede han, tog et bad, barberede sig og havde nyt tøj på. Bhutto sagde “Hvis jeg skal møde min Herre i dag, vil jeg gøre det, mens jeg er paak“.

Hans sidste ord var “Gud hjælp mig, for jeg er uskyldig! ”.

2:04 den 4. april 1979 blev håndtaget trukket, og Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto blev hængt.

Forsidebillede via: Dawn

Zarra jer bheekontrollere karein:


DØDFØRELSE FOR BHUTTO OPHOLDT

RAWALPINDI, Pakistan, lørdag den 24. marts - Pakistans højesteret afviste i dag en appel om at ophæve dødsstraffen mod tidligere premierminister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

Retten nægtede at revidere sin 4 -til -3 -afgørelse af 6. februar om fastholdelse af Bhuttos dødsdom og dom for anklager om at have beordret drab på en politisk modstander for mere end fire år siden.

Mr. Bhutto. har syv dage til at indgive et nådeanmodning til præsident Mohammad Zia ul -Haq, der væltede hr. Bhutto i 1977. Hvis han ikke fremsætter et sådant anbringende, eller hvis det ikke lykkes, kan manden, der regerede dette land i fem år, blive hængt med 24 timers ' varsel.

Bhutto, 51 år, har instrueret sin familie om ikke at bede om lempelse.

I meddelelsen af ​​landsrettens afgørelse sagde chefdommer Anwar ul Haq simpelthen: "Andragendet forkastes."

Verdens interesse vakte

RAWALPINDI, Pakistan - I en retssag, der vakte verdensomspændende interesse, blev Zulfikar Ali Bhutto og fire andre mænd dømt for drab og dømt til døden sidste år for drabet på Nawab Mohammed Ahmed Khan, lederen af ​​en tidligere herskende familie i den hedengangne ​​fyrstestat af Kasur, nu en del af Pakistans Punjab -provins i Pakistan. Nawab blev dødeligt såret af en kugle, der menes at have været tiltænkt hans søn, Ahmed Raza Kasuri, et parlamentsmedlem og en kritiker af Bhutto -regeringen.

Bilen, som de to mænd kørte i, var i baghold, da de vendte tilbage fra et bryllup i Lahore kort efter midnat den 11. november 1974. Kasuri, som var uskadt i hændelsen, havde overlevet to tidligere forsøg på sit liv, formodentlig af politiske snigmordere.

I retssagen i Lahore High Court vidnede en topofficer i Federal Security Force, en nu opløst paramilitær enhed i Bhuttos regering, om at Bhutto havde beordret drabet på Kasuri.

Det tidligere statsministers uskyldsanbringende i sagen blev i domstolens dom opvejet af vidnesbyrd fra medlemmer af sikkerhedsstyrken, der blev anklagemyndige til gengæld for immunitet i sagen.

Overholdes i 4 til 3 kendelse

Dommen og dommen blev stadfæstet af Højesteret efter høringer, der varede i syv måneder, i en 4 -til -3 -afgørelse. Tre dommere var til frifindelse for hr. Bhutto og en anden tiltalt, men retten var enstemmig i at bekræfte dom og dødsdom for de tre andre tiltalte.

Da tiden begyndte at køre vores for Mr. Bhutto, strømmede anmodninger om nåd fra hele verden til præsident Mohammad Zia ul -Haq. Blandt dem, der appellerede på vegne af Bhutto 's, var præsident Carter, præsident Leonid I. Brezhnev i Sovjetunionen, formand Hua Guofeng i Kina, kong Khalid af Saudi -Arabien, pave John Paul H og organisationer som Amnesty International og International Juristkommission.

General Zia havde konsekvent fastholdt, at han ikke ville blande sig i domstolenes afgørelse.

Hr. Bhutto afventede resultatet i en dødscelle i fængslet i Rawalpindi, afviste den endelige juridiske anmodning for ham om et personligt anbringende til hans efterfølger om nåde. Et sådant skridt ville være "ydmygende", sagde han, og han forbød medlemmer af hans familie at udøve deres ret i henhold til loven til at appellere til general Zia på hans vegne.

Bhuttos hustru, Nusrat, og hans 25 -årige datter, Benazir, er blevet holdt i husarrest. De to andre Bhutto -børn er ude af landet.

Det havde været forventet, at mange tilhængere af den karismatiske hr. Bhutto, der havde ledet regeringen i mere end fem år, først som præsident og derefter som premierminister, kunne opstå offentlige forstyrrelser. Tilsyneladende for at undgå sådanne udbrud arresterede regeringen hundredvis af centrale medlemmer af Mr. Bhutto 's Pakistan People 's Party.

I argumenter, der opfordrede Højesteret til at acceptere andragendet om en gennemgang af panelets afgørelse, der fastholdt Mr. Juridiske præcedenser blev citeret for at skabe tvivl om retfærdigheden ved at dømme en tiltalt for drab, når han ikke havde været på gerningsstedet.

Juridisk skævhed anklaget

Forsvaret citerede også erklæringer fra bænken fra hr. Bhutto 's retsdommere i et forsøg på at vise, at den tidligere premierminister havde været offer for retslig skævhed.

Proceduren afslørede uklare aspekter i baggrunden af ​​sagen mod hr. Bhutto. Det blev bemærket, at general Zia ved hjælp af sin øverste magt under krigsret havde ændret chefdommerne, inden appellen General Zia overtog præsidentembedet, da den valgte øverste direktør, Fazal Elahi Chaudhry, trådte tilbage. Novo Sampol og Alvin Ross Diaz, begge dømt 14. februar for mordtællinger og den otte års straf, der blev givet hr. Novo 's bror, Ignacio. Han blev dømt for at lyve for en stor jury og skjule forbrydelsen.

USA's advokat Earl J. Silbert afviste påstanden om, at regeringen havde retsforfulgt de tiltalte for deres aktiviteter i en gruppe, der var imod præsident Castro.


Ali Bhutto Hung - Historie

Fire andre afventer afgørelse om nådeindkaldelser

RAWALPINDI, 4. april, 1979 Zulfikar Ali Bhutto blev hængt ihjel ved to -tiden i morges i Rawalpindi -distriktsfængslet.

En officiel uddeling, der blev frigivet ni timer senere på dagen, sagde, at hans døde lig blev fløjet i et specielt fly fra Rawalpindi og overdraget til de ældste i hans familie, der begravede ham, efter Namaz-i-Janaza i forfædre kirkegården ved Garhi Khuda Bakhsh nær Nau Dero, Larkana, kl. 10.30 i overensstemmelse med familiens ønsker.

Ved begravelsen deltog slægtninge, herunder hans to onkler, Nawab Nabi Bakhsh Bhutto og Sanlar Peer Bakhsh Bhutto, hans første kone Shirin Ameer Begum, venner og beboere i området.

Begum Nusrat Bhutto og deres datter frøken Benazir, der er tilbageholdt i Sihala, cirka 25 km fra Rawalpindi, var blevet underrettet om, at alle de barmhjertighedsbegæringer, som var blevet fremsat til generalpræsident Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq, var blevet afvist. De havde et tre timers møde med ham i går i fængsel.

Mian Mohammad Abbas og tre andre føderale sikkerhedsstyrker, som også blev idømt dødsdom i drabssagen Nawab Mohammad Ahmed Khan, afventer stadig afgørelse om deres barmhjertighedskrav.

Mumtaz Bhutto, Z.A. Bhuttos fætter, fortalte nyhedsfolk i morges, at han mødte ham sidst den 1. april, hr. Bhutto var sikker på, at der var taget en beslutning om at hænge ham. Han fortalte ham, at han vidste, at hans liv var ved at være forbi, men vidste ikke, hvad der ventede befolkningen i Pakistan. Han ville ikke have, at folk skulle komme ud på gaden og kaste dem med deres blod.

Han bad Mumtaz om ikke at ringe til folket, fordi det ville 'genåbne floden Indus'. Han sagde, at han var klar til at dø, men ønskede, at folket skulle leve.

Ifølge en af ​​embedsmændene, der var til stede ved hængningen, blev hr. Bhutto kontaktet i sin celle cirka en time før henrettelsen og fik besked på at forberede den sidste handling. Han fik besked på at tage et bad, hvis han ville. Han svarede benægtende og sagde, at han allerede havde haft bad i løbet af dagen.

Han ville dog barbere sit ansigt. Tilladelse blev givet, og han barberede sit ansigt af sig selv.

Derefter fik han besked på at recitere nogle koranvers. Superintendenten og viceadministratoren i fængslet kom til hans celle, hvor superintendenten læste sin dødsordre op for ham.

En højtstående hærbetjent og magistrat var også til stede ved lejligheden. Herefter gik superintendenten væk for at føre tilsyn med galgen, mens viceansvarlig forblev ved for at se sine to hænder bundet sammen på ryggen.

Derefter fik han at vide, at hans celle lå omkring halvdelen af ​​galgen, et stykke, der kan være svært for ham at gå, og derfor skulle han ligge i en ventende båre, der skulle bæres af fængselsbetjentene. Han protesterede og sagde, at han gerne selv ville gå distancen. Men han blev tvunget til at lægge sig på båren og blev båret til galgen af ​​vagterne.

Hr. Bhutto blev læsset af båren, og han klatrede selv op af trappen.

Flere fanger reciterede Koranen i deres celle.

Tidligere på aftenen blev han kontaktet af en fængselsbetjent med en forespørgsel, hvis han ville lave et testamente. He said that he would like to write it down. Writing material was supplied to him and he busied himself in writing. But later before the hanging when a magistrate came and asked him to hand over his will so that it could be counter-signed by the Magistrate, Mr Bhutto said he had no will in writing and that he had already conveyed his wish to his wife.

Perhaps he had destroyed the will that he had been writing in the evening.

Before being taken to the gallows he had a Tasbih in his hand and he was turning its beads reciting something quietly. The Tasbih had not been seen with him before. It was either hidden in his luggage or handed over to him by Begum Nusrat Bhutto yesterday.

When contacted by the jail authorities he still had the Tasbih in his hand. He was completely calm and quiet thereafter.

He did not misbehave or talk loudly till the end. He placed his Tasbih round his neck when his hands were tied at his back.

The Superintendent of Jail, a Magistrate and Medical Officers were present near the gallow. The Superintendent registered his formal recognition of Mr Bhutto and then Mr Bhutto was handed over to the hangman who tied his legs with a cord, placed the traditional veil on his face and fixed the hanging cord round his neck. His body remained hanging for half an hour.

Before it was removed the Medical Officer checked it and certified that it was lifeless.

One of the jail officials contacted this correspondent later in the day and said Begum Nusrat Bhutto and Miss Benazir were informed of the rejection of the mercy petitions when they came to meet Mr Bhutto at 11 in the morning yesterday. A Jail official, who accompanied them to Mr Bhuttos cell, was asked by Mr Bhutto what was being done to him. Mr Bhutto was told that the mercy petitions had been rejected.

Hs asked when the hanging was planned. He was informed that it would take place on Wednesday morning. Thereupon, he said he would like to get longer time than the usual half an hour with his wife and daughter which was allowed.

Then they remained together upto 2 oclock in the afternoon. Since last evening the jail was heavily guarded on all sides by armed police which continued to be on duty today also. Parties of police were also guarding vantage points in the city.

The news of the hanging spread the city like wild fire early in the morning. People switched on their radios. The Voice of America was the first to broadcast it.

The BBC had nothing in its morning Urdu bulletin or in the 7 oclock English broadcast. Radio Pakistan came out with the news in the city like wild fire early in that time two local Urdu dailies had already sold thousands of their special supplements.

Begum Nusrat Bhutto and Miss Benazir were the last to see Mr Bhutto among his family members or friends. Mr Mumtaz Bhutto was called by him through the jail authorities yesterday but the meeting could not take place.

Mumtaz Bhutto and Abdul Hafeez Pirzada left for the airport to catch the morning flight for Karachi after hearing the news. Before the flight they were told that instructions had been received not to let them leave.

They came back to the Paracha House in Islamabad — the bungalow where Begum Nusrat Bhutto and Benazir were detained before being shifted to Sihala and where Pirzada has been staying since his arrival here last week.

Foreign diplomatic circles were taken by surprise. Many of them had believed that some last minute development would save Mr Bhuttos life. The British Prime Ministers third appeal for mercy which was relayed by the BBC in its Urdu broadcast in the morning and the official spokesmans statement last evening that the mercy petitions were

still under consideration did not make them feel that the hanging had already been scheduled for this morning.

However, several local newsmen got the clue later in the night, three of them who got too near the jail to see the atmosphere were caught by the guards and detained for the night.

Later in the day about 40 persons gathered in the house of Dr Niazi, family friend of Bhutto, and offered Namaa-i-Janaza. They included Abdul Hafeez Pirzada and Mumtaz Bhutto.

Our Correspondent adds from Sukkur The dead body of Mr Bhutto was brought to Jacobabad airport in an official plane. Mr Mumtaz Bhuttos father, Nabi Bukhsh Bhutto and the first wife of Mr Bhutto came with the body. The body was given a bath and wrapped in a coffin at Rawalpindi .

From Jacobabad the body was taken to Garhi Khuda Bakhsh by a helicopter. The body was taken to a corner where arrangements had been made for showing the face to the male and female members of the family separately.

Afterwards Namaz-i-Janaza was offered. It was led by Maulvi Mahinud in the old mosque at Janazgabr. Mr Nabi Bakhsh Bhutto, Sardar Peer Bakhsh Bhutto, Mr Ali Gauhar Bhutto and Muzaffar Bhutto were prominent members of the Bhutto family who attended the Janaza prayer.

In the family graveyard where Mr Z A. Bhutto has been buried, are also buried his father, Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto, his two stepbrothers Sikandar Bhutto and Imadad Ali Bhutto and his mother.

The situation in Larkana is quiet and peaceful. Agency reports add As, a mark of respect all the shops in the village remained closed but life was normal in the rest of the Larkana district.

There was no reaction over the execution of Mr Bhutto throughout the district. The situation was reported to be normal. After the burial a number of people came to Nau Dero to sympathise with the family of Mr Bhutto.

At the time of burial strict precautionary measures were taken in and around Garhi Khuda Bakhsh by the administration. A Press note issued by the Interior Ministry said the mercy petitions filed on behalf of Mr Bhutto were rejected by the President of Pakistan 'after they had been processed in accordance with the normal procedure'.

Mr Bhutto, last arrested on Sept 17, 1977 , remained confined in Rawalpindi Jails death cell since April 1978 when the Supreme Court started hearing of the appeals filed by him and from former officials of the disbanded Federal Security Force who were also sentenced to death in the case by the Lahore High Court.

After a seven-month-long hearing, the Supreme Court rejected the appeals on Feb 6 last. Mr Bhutto filed a review petition which was also dismissed by the Supreme Court on March 24 last.

The other four sentenced to death were Mian Mohammad Abbas, Mr Ghulam Mustafa, Mr Arshad Iqbal and Rana Iftikhar Ahmad. Former FSF Director-General Masood Mahmud and another FSF official Ghulam Hussain were also accused in the case but they were pardoned on becoming approvers.

Mr Bhutto was charged with conspiring with the FSF officials to assassinate former National Assembly member Ahmad Rasa Kasuri. But in the shooting on Mr Kasuris car in Lahore on the night of Nov 10, 1974 , Mr Kasuri escaped unhurt while his father, Nawab Mohammad Ahmad Khan, was killed.


Who was Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto?

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was born on 5 January 1928. He was a politician and Pakistani barrister. His father was Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto and his mother was Khursheed Begum. In addition, he served as the 9th prime minister of Pakistan. However, he was the founder of the Pakistan People Party which was established in 1967.

He was born in Sindh. In addition, he got his education from the University of Oxford. He studied political science at the University of California. He was one of the greater leaders of Pakistan.

Benazir Bhutto was his daughter who served as a Prime Minister of Pakistan twice. Asif Zardari is his son-in-law who served as the president of Pakistan.


Ali Bhutto Hung - History

If you are as much of a maniacal reader on the political and social history (rather, histories) of Pakistan as I am, then I’m sure you’ve already noticed that after Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the second most discussed Pakistani leader in such books is Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

Punjabi bulletin of Bhutto's hanging.

So much has been written about the man. His achievements and follies his charisma and eccentricities his accomplishments and blunders. I can’t really add more to what is already out there in the shape of whole books, chapters, papers and articles written on the man, even though, of and on, I did attempt to do my bit in this respect.

I was barely six years old when Bhutto rose to become Pakistan’s President (in 1972) soon after the departure of what was once called East Pakistan.

Bhutto’s left-leaning and populist Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) had swept the 1970 general election in West Pakistan and it became the country’s majority party once East Pakistan broke away (after a violent and tragic struggle with West Pakistan’s military-establishment).

I somehow do have a vivid memory (rather random images) of the 1971 Pakistan-India war and of Bhutto’s first address to the nation on PTV when in early 1972 he took over the reigns of a defeated and demoralised nation.

What I remember of the war were the blanket blackouts, sirens and terrifying sounds of artillery fire and jets zooming over our house near the coastal areas of Karachi in Clifton and how one evening there was a huge explosion that shattered the window panes of almost every house in the area after which (in the morning), the war was over (December 1971).

We trickled out of our darkened basements and make-shift bunkers only to see a number of oil refineries visible from our house and a series of war ships on the horizon on fire.

The flames rose so high it seemed (at least to a 6-year-old kid) that their thick black smoke was about to darken the fluffy white winter clouds hovering over Karachi.

Then Radio Pakistan announced that the Pakistan armed forces had surrendered.

We kids were too busy collecting the smothering splinters of the bombs that had been dropped by Indian jets only miles away from our area of residence, not knowing that the country had acutely been split into two separate states.

Bhutto was no stranger in our house. In the early 1960s my father was a student of psychology at the University of Karachi (KU) and a member of the left-wing National Students Federation (NSF). He was also a bosom buddy of famous student radical (and future PPP minister and politician), Miraj Muhammad Khan.

Though my father came from a large, conservative and well-to-do business family from North Punjab, he was a rebel. He was the first in his family to who bypassed the studying for a business degree the first to marry outside the family (to a ‘mohajir’, an Economics major at KU, my mother) and the first to join journalism (instead of the widespread family business) after he graduated from the university in 1964.

Like many passionate young men and women in the late 1960s, he too became a Bhutto enthusiast and remained to be one until his death from respiratory failure in October, 2009.

When Miraj Saheb, these days himself facing serious health issues, called and spoke to me at length soon after my father passed away, it reminded me how in January 1972 my father returned home from the Karachi Press Club and told my mother that Miraj had told him Bhutto would be speaking to the nation on TV.

Being just six years old, I only distantly remember my parents, cousins, younger sister, grandparents and paternal uncles gathered in front of our Russian-made ‘Mercury’ TV set listening to that address.

In those days we were one of the few homes in the country that actually owned a TV, so the address was largely heard by Pakistanis on the radio, in spite of the fact that Bhutto spoke in English.

It is said that the speech remains to be one of the most widely heard addresses from a head of state and government in Pakistan. A small snippet of it is now available in cyberspace:

In February 1972, my father moved our family to Kabul in Afghanistan where he agreed to heed my paternal grandfather’s advise to set up offices of the family business in that city.

Instead my father became the Afghanistan correspondent of the PPP’s newspaper, Musawat. It was a Kabul that would today seem like a totally different planet compared to what happened to this city at the end of the Soviet-Mujahideen war in the 1980s and beyond.

I remember Kabul to be a pleasant and clean city, with hordes of western tourists (mostly hippies) roaming its streets and markets.

My father became a regular visitor to a popular coffee house in central Kabul where the city’s most animated leftist intellectuals met for coffee, tea, beer and most importantly, to strike passionate discussions on the state of Afghanistan.

One day my father brought home an intense looking and stocky Afghan Pushtun for dinner. The Afghan was bald, had thick spectacles on him, chain-smoked and spoke both English and an accented Urdu. The gentleman was Sardar Daoud: The former Prime Minister of Afghanistan (1953-63) and the future President of that country.

Daoud, who was a cousin of Afghanistan’s monarch, Zahir Shah, had resigned as PM in 1963. He was also a passionate advocate of ‘Pushtunistan’ – a movement that wanted to merge Afghanistan with the Pushtun majority areas of Pakistan.

My father later told me that Daoud – who’d been banished by the monarchy and had become a radical pro-Soviet republican – befriended my father at the coffee house and told him about a ‘coming revolution in Afghanistan.’

‘Bhutto was not very happy with my friendship with Daoud,’ my father told me many years later. Bhutto as well as Pakistan’s military establishment was very anti-Daoud, especially due to his views on ‘Pushtunistan.’

Though we returned to Pakistan in mid-1973, Daoud would go on to topple the Zahir Shah monarchy in a military-backed coup and declare Afghanistan to be a republic (in 1974). He was himself toppled in a Soviet-backed coup in 1978.

In Pakistan, my father began publishing a radical pro-PPP Urdu weekly called Al-Fatha (the name was inspired by Yasser Arafat’s militant left-wing Palestinian outfit).

Now back in school in Karachi I fondly remember how small kids (especially boys) loved to imitate Bhutto’s antics as a public speaker. At first I just couldn’t understand, until I rediscovered Bhutto on TV.

You see, Afghanistan didn’t have any TV, even though I remember accompanying my parents to a host of Rajesh Khanna and early Amitabh films at Kabul cinemas.

I particularly remember one Bhutto speech on PTV that he made in late 1973 (or early 1974) that finally made the now 7-year-old me understand what all those boys at school were up to.

It was during a public gathering in Lahore. It set the nation on fire! Drunk on passion, patriotism (and his favourite brand of whisky), Bhutto was canvassing to ask his supporters to help him regenerate Pakistan’s lost pride. To my delight, a small section of this speech too can now be found in cyberspace:

Newspaper reports of this particular rally suggest that the crowds began dancing like ‘intoxicated malangs (Sufi fakirs)’ when Bhutto, himself shaking with unabashed ardour, knocked down the microphones with his fists.

Another memory I have of the period is watching my father discussing the passing of Pakistan’s first real constitution (the 1973 constitution) with his cousins and brothers. Later on when I entered my teens in the early 1980s, I asked my father why the Bhutto regime declared the Ahmadis as non-Muslim.

His explanation was that since Bhutto wanted to bag the support of Islamic outfits like Jamat Islami and others before the historic 1974 International Islamic Summit in Lahore, ‘he threw them a bone they could get busy with and get distracted by.’

I continued disagreeing with him on this issue, and he continued defending Bhutto’s action even many years later.

I remember the Islamic Summit very well. PTV ran a marathon transmission of the event and I also remember watching speeches by a number of leaders from various Muslim countries.

The Summit was explained as part of Bhutto’s ‘Islamic Socialism’ and ‘vision’ of turning the Muslim world into a ‘third force’ (secular, mind you), between western capitalism and Soviet communism.

My childhood unfolded in a very different Karachi. TV was a joy to watch (even though it was entirely one-sided) men and women were crazy about cinema as the Pakistan film industry churned out an average of 25 films a year and people loved staying outdoors without any fear and at all hours.

Bars, nightclubs, cinemas and other recreational sites were always illuminated with bright, shimmering lights. I remember accompanying my elder cousins and their friends to the edges of the Clifton area on weekends (on bicycles) where people would gather to drink, chat, take long walks on the Clifton beach and especially eat chaat and ‘gola-gupas’.

Some would order ‘special gola-gupas’ whose liquidy chatni was laced with a heavy dose of tamarind but mixed with whisky or beer. I certainly do not remember the alcohol making men going berserk and indulging in rape and plunder or the Godly lighting of wrath striking them from the skies!

At this edge of Clifton was a house called ‘70 Clifton.’ This was the spacious residence of Z A. Bhutto and his family. From 1975 onwards, when I turned 9, my father began to often take me with him to this house whenever he had to meet Bhutto or other PPP leaders. By now he had also joined the Soviet Embassy (on Bhutto’s suggestion). Bhutto had wanted to him to use his position to strengthen the media and cultural ties between the Soviet Union and Pakistan.

It was, I think, in the summer of 1975 when I first met Bhutto in real life.

I saw a very young Benazir Bhutto as well, lurking in the background (but don’t remember her talking to this 9-year-old) but I do remember a tall, lanky guy shaking my hand as my father stood talking to the lad in the garden of 70 Clifton. He was Murtaza Bhutto, then just 21 years old.

I found Bhutto’s wife, Begum Nusrat Bhutto, to be the warmest and closest to my father. I would last meet this amazing woman in 1993 when (as a journalist) I made my last trip to 70 Clifton on the evening Murtaza returned from exile.

As a PPP sympathiser and former member of its student-wing (PSF), I had sided with Benazir in her little tussle with Murtaza. And I continued siding with her. She was to my generation of young ‘radicals’ in the 1980s, what her father had been to the generations before us.

But the fondest ever memory of those visits with my father to 70 Clifton was of one evening in early 1976 (I was now 10) when, as my father and I entered a roomy hall, Bhutto, smartly dressed in a suit and a tie and with a cigar in hand, approached my father and with a mischievous smile loudly asked: ‘Aur Paracha! (So, Paracha) how are the Soviets treating you?’

My father smiled back and answered something to this affect: ‘Sab sahi hai, Bhutto saab (All’s well, Mr. Bhutto) the Soviets are fine as long as one keeps appreciating their Vodka!’ Bhutto burst into laughter.

How I now wish I was old enough to ask Mr. Bhutto right there, why he ditched the Ahmadis and consequently, why he was carelessly laying the grounds for the Islamists to take over with the help of a once tarnished military that his regime had reinvigorated?

My saddest childhood memories of the time were not exactly the shutting down of schools and the curfews that were imposed during the right-wing Pakistan National Alliance’s protest movement against Bhutto in early 1977.

Nor do I remember what I felt when I saw this weird looking military man with a strange handlebar moustache talking about ‘Islami nizam’ on PTV (in July 1977). A man against whom I would eventually spend all of my college years fighting as a student activist in the mid and late 1980s. A tyrant who would retard the political and social evolution of Pakistan for years to come. A man called Ziaul Haq.

My saddest memory regarding Bhutto is, of course, of April 4, 1979. I was 12 years old and now smart enough to understand what was going on. My father had been blacklisted by the Zia regime (in 1977) and was out of a job. He still refused to join the family business.

I’d had a terrible morning at school two days before Bhutto’s hanging. My mother was summoned by my teachers and told that I would be expelled for giving a fellow student a big fat black eye! Thankfully I wasn’t.

The bugger had been waving a picture (cut out from Jang newspaper) of a cop flogging a man in public. He was mocking the flogged man, saying that all PPP supporters would be getting flogged this way.

Suddenly, bam! I smashed my fist in his faces, knocking him out in 5 seconds flat. My anger was purely the result of the depression I was feeling from the economic pressures and uncertainty my family had been facing ever since the Zia regime blacklisted my father making it impossible for him to get a job in any newspaper or magazine.

Saddest was when on the night of 4th April, some 12 hours after Bhutto’s hanging, I entered my parent’s bedroom and found my father sitting on his bed, his palms cupping his face, his head hung low, as he heard a special programme on Bhutto on BBC Radio’s Urdu service.

I quietly sat on a chair opposite him, my knuckles still sour from punching my classmate. Then it happened. A sight I shall never forget.

My father removed his palms from his face to light a cigarette. And for the first time ever, I saw this cool, calm and stoic fellow who reminded me of a Clint Eastwood character in those spaghetti westerns, wiping tears from his cheeks. His eyes were swollen and red, as if he’d been actually weeping for hours.

I was stunned. I had no clue what to do. It was only then that I realised that Bhutto really was dead.

Scene after scene was related over the years in articles and books by so many people of how Bhutto’s death had actually made grown-up men and women cry.

I saw one such person do that right in front of my eyes. That evening I wanted to hug my father. But I somehow couldn’t. I just got up and left. The age of apathy had arrived in Pakistan.

The views expressed by this blogger and in the following reader comments do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Dawn Media Group.


We will never forget nor ever forgive you, Mr Bhutto

Det er been 37 years since that morning when we awoke to find that you were no more among us. We were shocked beyond belief, although there were many who rejoiced that you had gotten what (in their opinion) you richly deserved. Like you, we never believed that they would hang you. Like you, we were convinced that Libya and UAE would prevail upon Ziaul Haq to send you into exile. But you had burnt your boats. There was only one grave and Zia knew that if he spared you, that grave would be his home for all eternity.

There have been times when we have wondered what kind of man you were. We know, of course, that you made many mistakes, mistakes which proved costly to you and to the country. But more of that later.

Let’s begin when you were around 30. You wrote that infamous letter to Iskander Mirza in which you said,

Virkelig? How could you even compare Mirza with the great Quaid? Okay, let’s overlook this. You were a young man in a hurry – you flattered the man so he could make you a minister.

But then, you did not oppose Ayub Khan’s coup. You even joined him as a minister.

If you were a real democrat, you’d never have supported a dictator like him. It’s not as if you didn’t have a choice. Oh, I forgot. You wanted to be great you wanted to be powerful, so you had to support him.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto with General Ayub Khan. Photo: Dawn Library

In 1965, you got the country embroiled in a war which saw Lahore almost falling to the enemy. You should have had the foresight to anticipate that the Indians would never take the loss of Kashmir lying down. Fortunately, our brave armed forces repulsed the enemy and the country was saved.

Fast forward to 1968, you ditched Ayub, you made a brouhaha about the Tashkent Declaration (without telling us why that bothered you), you founded a new political party and you promised the masses what you knew you could never give. The poor were taken in by your slogan ‘roti, kapra, makaan’. The poor masses of Sindh and Punjab gave you their votes because they were duped. Did you really believe you could give a house to each and every poor man in the country? How could the people ever forgive you for deceiving them?

Then there was your role in the break-up of the country. You refused to accept the results of the 1970 elections, in which Mujibur Rehman emerged the winner. All you had to do was to accept gracefully and allow him to form the government.

Yet, you objected when Yahya Khan called him the future prime minister saying that a man who until the day before had been described as a traitor, was now being considered to be the prime minister. Realising that you could never be prime minister as long as East Pakistan was part of the country, you asked that power should be handed over to Mujib in East Pakistan, and you should form the government in West Pakistan, in your notorious ‘idhar hum, udhar tum’ speech.

That was the day when Jinnah’s Pakistan died, Mr Bhutto.

PHOTO: PID/FILE

And when the National Assembly session was scheduled to be held in Dhaka, you threatened to break the legs of any of your party members who went there to attend (because that would have ensured the election of Mujibur Rehman as the prime minister of the country).

Left to right: Chaudhry Fazal Elahi, Sheikh Mujibur Rehman and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Photo: AP

After that, matters got out of hand and Mujib was jailed. Yet in the nine months between March and December 1971, you could have played a decisive role and saved the country. You could have demanded that Mujib be released and the crisis be resolved. But no, you wanted to be prime minister at all costs, you did nothing, and so the inevitable happened. But even when the Indians had invaded the country, and adoption of the Polish resolution could have spared us the humiliation our army suffered, you made sure that the country would be dismembered. You tore up the resolution and walked out of the Security Council. Mr Bhutto, we can never forget that moment in our history. The loss of East Pakistan may not have meant much to you, but it was a death blow to those of us who loved the country.

You were the most autocratic leader the country had ever had until then. You violated your own Constitution a few hours after it was adopted, suspending fundamental rights. And when you were in prison, you appointed your wife to lead your party, despite there being many competent persons around you. Would a democrat ever have dismissed the legally elected governments of Balochistan and K-P (previously known as NWFP) without due process?

And there is much more that we cannot forget, Mr Bhutto.

All countries of the world had admired Pakistan for its industrialisation, since it had started from scratch in 1947, and in about 25 years, it had become a country for nations like South Korea to emulate. You nationalised industries and almost every successful enterprise that existed. This was another death blow to what remained of Pakistan. All the inefficiency and corruption we see today in government, in the steel mills, in PIA, have their roots in the destructive policies of your reign in those days. No, Sir, we can never forget nor forgive you for what you did to Pakistan.


Back In Time: 42 Years Ago, Pakistan’s Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s Execution Shocked The World

Back in Time is ED’s newspaper-like column that reports an incident from the past as though it has happened just yesterday. It allows the reader to relive it several years later, on the date it had occurred.

5 April 1979, Pakistan

Pakistan is in utter dismay and sorrow today as the news of the execution of deposed Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto came out. People are in shock because Bhutto was widely respected and honored by the public.

He was born at Larkana in the province of Sind on January 5, 1928. He spent his last birthday, his 51st, in the cell of Rawalpindi jail, being scarcely able to eat. Bhutto was a charismatic, Western-educated leader who ruled Pakistan from 1971 to 1977.

The interior ministry announced that the deposed prime minister was hanged in the Rawalpindi Central Jail at 2 am. The ministry also informed that he was buried in the family graveyard at Naudero (in Sind) at 10:30 am.

When the burial took place, two of his uncles and his first wife, Amir Begum, whom he had married at 13, were present.

What Is Happening?

Bhutto was convicted on March 19 last year by the Lahore High Court on charges of organizing and carrying out a political murder. The four others, who were sentenced to death along with him, are still alive. Their cases are “still under review”, said an official spokesman in Islamabad.

President Zia-ul-Haq was the army commander who overthrew Bhutto in 1977. Zia rejected all appeals from Pakistan and other countries, seeking mercy for the convicted leader.

Nusrat Bhutto, Bhutto’s second wife, and his elder daughter, Benazir, are under preventive arrest. World leaders like US President Jimmy Carter and Soviet President Leonid Brezhnev had sent mercy appeals to Zia.

Indira Gandhi expressed shock at the execution of Bhutto. She said that it was obvious that Bhutto had become “victim of a conspiracy of certain vested interests within and outside Pakistan.”

Indira Gandhi and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto

Also Read: The Plight Of 1971: India Released 93,000 Pakistani POWs But Indian POWs Were Never Returned

Nearly 500 Bhutto supporters defied the martial law regulations today and were shouting anti-government slogans and battling the police in Liaqat Park.

The crowd was heard shouting Revenge, revenge, revenge.” Some women shouted and taunted the police, “Shame on you, you couldn’t save him.” One man even warned that “Now this country will be like Iran.”

The government officers wept openly, but violent demonstrations are happening in the heavily Muslim Indian state of Kashmir, which borders Pakistan.

Post Scriptum

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto had a deep mistrust and hatred towards India. That might be because India was seen as a threat. But somehow, Bhutto was able to strike a sympathetic chord with people in India. This was, partly, because he was the lesser evil.

Zia ul Haq’s decision to execute Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in 1979 is seen as a significant turning point in Pakistan’s history. It is like a clue to understanding the terrible turns that Pakistan took towards Islamic militancy.

We would have seen a more positive picture of Pakistan if Bhutto had not been executed. It is possible that the story of India-Pakistan relations could have been normal.

Forty-two years is too brief for a country to know where it is headed in the future. Pakistan saw history repeat itself many times but has it learned from those mistakes? Well, this question is a difficult one to answer.

Image Credit: Google Images

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This Post Is Tagged Under: Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Zia ul Haq, Pakistan, the execution of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Who executed Bhutto, Why was Bhutto executed, India and Pakistan relations, Indira Gandhi, Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Rajiv Gandhi, Narendra Modi, Prime Minister, President, Independence, a Black day for Pakistan, Islamic Militancy, Religion, Government


Bhutto Assassination Throws Pakistan Into Chaos

RAWALPINDI, Pakistan – Enraged crowds rioted across Pakistan and hopes for democracy hung by a thread after Benazir Bhutto was gunned down Thursday as she waved to supporters from the sunroof of her armored vehicle.

The death of President Pervez Musharraf's most powerful opponent threw the nation into chaos just 12 days before elections, and threatened its already unsteady role as a key fighter against Islamic terror.

The murder of Bhutto, one of Pakistan's most famous and enduring politicians, sparked violence that killed at least nine people and plunged efforts to restore democracy to this nuclear-armed U.S. ally into turmoil.

Another opposition politician, Nawaz Sharif, announced he was boycotting Jan. 8 parliamentary elections in which Bhutto was hoping to recapture the premiership, and Musharraf reportedly weighed canceling the poll.

Bhutto, 54, was struck down amid scenes of blood and chaos as an unknown gunman opened fire and, according to witnesses and police, blew himself up, killing 20 other people.

Musharraf blamed Islamic terrorists, pledging in a nationally televised speech that "we will not rest until we eliminate these terrorists and root them out."

President Bush, who spoke briefly by phone with Musharraf, looked tense as he spoke to reporters, denouncing the "murderous extremists who are trying to undermine Pakistan's democracy."

U.S. officials in Washington said they were trying to determine who might have carried out the attack.

Bhutto's death marked yet another grim chapter in Pakistan's bloodstained history, 28 years after her father, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, another ex-prime minister, was hanged by a military dictatorship in the same northern city where she was killed.

Her death left her Pakistan People's Party leaderless and plunged the Muslim nation of 160 million into violence and recriminations, with Bhutto supporters accusing Musharraf's government of failing to protect her in the wake of death threats and previous attempts on her life.

As the news spread, supporters gathered at the hospital where Bhutto had been taken, smashed glass doors, stoned cars and chanted, "Killer, Killer, Musharraf."

At least nine people were killed in violence across the nation.

Musharraf called senior staff into an emergency meeting to discuss a response to the killing and whether to postpone the election, an Interior Ministry official said, speaking on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the talks. Musharraf also announced three days of mourning for Bhutto, with all businesses, schools and banks to close.

The killing appeared to shut off a possible avenue for a credible return to democracy after eight years under Musharraf's increasingly unpopular rule, and left a string of unanswered questions, chiefly whether it could strengthen Musharraf by eliminating a strong rival, or weaken him by sparking uncontrollable riots.

The U.S. was struggling to reformulate its plan to stabilize the country based on a rapprochement between Bhutto and Musharraf. Bhutto had returned in October after nearly a decade in exile hoping for a power-sharing deal with Musharraf, but had become his fierce critic, accusing elements in the ruling party of backing militants to kill her.

Pakistani analysts were plunged into gloom.

"This assassination is the most serious setback for democracy in Pakistan," said Rasul Baksh Rais, a political scientist at Lahore's University of Management Sciences. "It shows extremists are powerful enough to disrupt the democratic process."

Analyst Talat Masood, a retired general, said: "Conditions in the country have reached a point where it is too dangerous for political parties to operate."

Sharif, another former premier who now leads an opposition party, demanded Musharraf resign immediately and announced his party would boycott the elections, seen as vital to restoring democracy. He also called for the resignation of Musharraf, a former army chief who toppled Sharif in a 1999 coup.

"Musharraf is the cause of all the problems. The federation of Pakistan cannot remain intact in the presence of President Musharraf," he said.

Next to Musharraf, Bhutto was the best known political figure in the country, serving two terms as prime minister between 1988 and 1996. An instantly recognizable figure with graceful features under an ever-present head scarf, she bore the legacy of her hanged father and was respected in the West for her liberal outlook and determination to combat Islamic extremism.

It was a theme she had often returned to in recent campaign speeches.

Addressing more than 5,000 supporters Thursday in Rawalpindi, Bhutto dismissed the notion that Pakistan needed foreigners to help quell resurgent militants linked to the Taliban and Al Qaeda in the area bordering Afghanistan.

"Why should foreign troops come in? We can take care of this, I can take care of this, you can take care of this," she said.

As Bhutto left the rally in a white SUV, youths chanted her name and supportive slogans, said Sardar Qamar Hayyat, an official from Bhutto's party who was about 10 yards away.

Despite the danger of physical exposure, a smiling Bhutto stuck her head out of the sunroof and responded, he said.

"Then I saw a thin young man jumping toward her vehicle from the back and opening fire. Moments later, I saw her speeding vehicle going away. That was the time when I heard a blast and fell down," he said.

Bhutto was rushed into surgery. A doctor on the surgical team said a bullet in the back of her neck damaged her spinal cord before exiting from the side of her head. Another bullet pierced the back of her shoulder and came out through her chest, he said on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to the media. She was given an open-heart massage, but the spinal cord damage was too great, he said.

"At 6:16 p.m. she expired," said Wasif Ali Khan, a member of Bhutto's party who was at Rawalpindi General Hospital.

Hours later, supporters carried Bhutto's body out of the hospital in a plain wooden coffin and sent it for burial in her ancestral home near the southern city of Larkana.

Bhutto, who was married with three children, had returned to Pakistan from nearly a decade in exile on Oct. 18, and her homecoming parade in Karachi was also targeted by a suicide attacker, who killed more than 140 people. She narrowly escaped injury.

Rawalpindi, a former capital, has a history of political violence. The park where Bhutto made her last speech is the same one where the country's first prime minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, was shot to death in 1951. It is named after him.

Musharraf survived two bombing attacks here in 2003. Earlier that year, Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, alleged mastermind of the 9/11 attacks, was captured in Rawalpindi. In recent weeks, suicide bombers have repeatedly targeted security forces in the city.

Bhutto's father was hanged in 1979 in Rawalpindi on charges of conspiracy to murder -- an execution that led to violent protests across the country similar to those that raged Thursday.

Thursday's rally was Bhutto's first since returning to Pakistan, Musharraf having forced her to scrap a meeting here last month citing security fears. Hundreds of riot police manned security checkpoints at the park.

Afghan President Hamid Karzai, who met with Bhutto just hours before her death, called her a brave woman with a clear vision "for her own country, for Afghanistan and for the region -- a vision of democracy and prosperity and peace."

Rep. Patrick Kennedy, D-R.I., visiting Pakistan with Sen. Arlen Specter, R-Pa., said he was just leaving his hotel room for dinner with Bhutto at her home when he got the news.

"I couldn't believe it," he told The Associated Press by phone. "Her death really dashed the hope of many here in Pakistan and that's why there's so much disillusionment and anger being vented through these protests that are lighting up the sky tonight as people set fires all over the countryside."

U.S. intelligence agencies said it was to soon to say who carried out the attack.

FBI spokesman Richard Kolko said the agency "continues to work with our U.S. intelligence community partners reviewing the Al Qaeda claims for responsibility for any intelligence value. The validity of those claims are undetermined."

The statement came after a law enforcement official told the AP that a national FBI and Homeland Security bulletin to law enforcement agencies cited Islamist Web sites as saying al-Qaida had claimed responsibility. The official asked to remain anonymous because he was not authorized to speak publicly about it.

Director of National Intelligence spokesman Ross Feinstein said his agency was "in no position right now to confirm who may have been responsible."

One man was killed in a shootout between police and protesters in Tando Allahyar, a town 120 miles north of Karachi, Pakistan's commercial hub, said Mayor Kanwar Naveed. Four others were killed in Karachi, two were killed elsewhere in southern Sindh province and two in Lahore, police said.

Karachi shopkeepers quickly shuttered their stores as protesters burned vehicles, a gas station and tires on the roads, said Fayyaz Leghri, a local police official. Gunmen shot and wounded two police officers, he said.

Bhutto's supporters in many towns burned banks, shops and state-run grocery stores. Some torched ruling party election offices, according to Pakistani media.

Authorities will deploy troops to stop violence if needed, said Akhtar Zamin, home minister for Sindh province.