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Præsident Franklin D. Roosevelts første indledende tale Washington, DC [4. marts 1933] - Historie

Præsident Franklin D. Roosevelts første indledende tale Washington, DC [4. marts 1933] - Historie


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"... lad mig hævde min faste overbevisning om, at det eneste vi skal frygte er selve frygten ..."

JEG ER VISSE, at mine medamerikanere forventer, at jeg ved min indtræden i formandskabet vil tage fat på dem med en åbenhed og en beslutning, som den nuværende situation i vores nation fremkalder. Det er overvejende tid til at tale sandheden, hele sandheden, ærligt og dristigt. Vi behøver heller ikke at skrumpe fra ærligt stillede forhold i vores land i dag. Denne store nation vil bestå, som den har udholdt, vil genoplive og få fremgang. Så lad mig først og fremmest bekræfte min faste overbevisning om, at det eneste, vi skal frygte, er frygt i sig selv, navnløs, urimelig, uberettiget terror, som lammer den nødvendige indsats for at konvertere tilbagetrækning til forskud. I hver mørk time i vores nationale liv har et lederskab af ærlighed og kraft mødt den forståelse og støtte fra folket selv, som er afgørende for sejren. Jeg er overbevist om, at du igen vil give denne støtte til lederskab i disse kritiske dage.

I en sådan ånd fra min side og fra din side står vi over for vores fælles vanskeligheder. De angår, gudskelov, kun materielle ting. Værdier er skrumpet til fantastiske niveauer; skatter er steget; vores betalingsevne er faldet; regering af enhver art står over for alvorlig indskrænkning af indkomsten; udvekslingsmidlerne er frosset i handelsstrømmene; de visne blade af industriel virksomhed ligger på alle sider; landmænd finder ingen markeder for deres produkter ,, mange års besparelser i tusinder af familier er væk.

Mere vigtigt er, at en lang række arbejdsløse borgere står over for eksistensens dystre problem, og lige så mange slider med lidt afkast. Kun en tåbelig optimist kan benægte øjeblikkets mørke realiteter.

Alligevel kommer vores nød fra ingen substansfejl. Vi er ikke ramt af nogen græshoppepest. Sammenlignet med de farer vores forfædre erobrede, fordi de troede og ikke var bange, har vi stadig meget at være taknemmelige for. Nature till tilbyder hendes dusør og menneskelige bestræbelser har mangedoblet det. Masser er lige uden for døren, men en generøs brug af det aftager i synet af forsyningen. Dette skyldes primært, at herskere i udvekslingen af ​​menneskehedens varer har svigtet gennem deres egen stædighed og deres egen inkompetence, har erkendt deres fiasko og har abdikeret. De skrupelløse pengeveksleres praksis bliver anklaget for den offentlige mening, afvist af menneskers hjerter og sind.

Sandt nok har de prøvet, men deres indsats er blevet støbt i mønster af en slidt tradition. Over for manglende kredit har de kun foreslået at låne flere penge ud. De er blevet fjernet af profitens lokkemidler til at få vores folk til at følge deres falske lederskab, og de har tyret på formaninger og græd grædende om genoprettet tillid. De kender kun reglerne for. en generation af selvsøgere. De har ingen vision, og når der ikke er noget syn, dør folket.

Pengevekslerne er flygtet fra deres høje sæder i templet i vores civilisation. Vi kan nu genoprette dette tempel til de gamle sandheder. Gendannelsesmålet ligger i det omfang, vi anvender sociale værdier mere ædle end blot monetær fortjeneste.

Lykke ligger ikke kun i besiddelse af penge; den ligger i præstationsglæden, i spændingen ved kreativ indsats. Arbejdets glæde og moralske stimulering må ikke længere glemmes i den vanvittige jagt på undvigende overskud. Disse mørke dage vil være alt det værd, de koster os, hvis de lærer os, at vores sande skæbne ikke skal betjenes, men at tjene os selv og vores medmennesker.

Anerkendelse af falskheden i den materielle rigdom som standard for succes går hånd i hånd med opgivelsen af ​​den falske tro på, at offentligt embede og høj politisk position kun skal værdsættes af standarderne for stedets stolthed og personlige fortjeneste; og der skal være en ende på en adfærd inden for bankvirksomhed og i forretninger, der alt for ofte har givet en hellig tillid lighedstegn med kølige og egoistiske forseelser. Ikke så mærkeligt, at tilliden svinder, for den trives kun med ærlighed, ære, forpligtelsens hellighed, trofast beskyttelse, uselviske præstationer; uden dem kan den ikke leve.

Restaurering kræver imidlertid ikke kun ændringer i etik. Denne nation beder om handling, og handling nu.

Vores største primære opgave er at sætte folk i arbejde. Dette er ikke noget uløseligt problem, hvis vi møder det klogt og modigt. Det kan delvist opnås ved direkte rekruttering fra regeringen selv, behandle opgaven, som vi ville behandle nødsituationer i en krig, men samtidig gennem denne beskæftigelse gennemføre stærkt nødvendige projekter for at stimulere og reorganisere brugen af ​​vores naturlige ressourcer.

Hånd i hånd med dette må vi ærligt erkende overbalancen i befolkningen i vores industricentre og ved at engagere os på nationalt plan i en omfordeling forsøge at give en bedre udnyttelse af jorden til dem, der passer bedst til jorden. Opgaven kan hjælpes af deciderede bestræbelser på at hæve værdierne for landbrugsprodukter og dermed magt til at købe produktionen fra vores byer. Det kan hjælpes ved realistisk at forhindre tragedien i det voksende tab gennem afskærmning af vores små hjem og vores gårde. Det kan hjælpes ved at insistere på, at den føderale, statslige og lokale regering straks handler om kravet om, at deres omkostninger reduceres drastisk. Det kan hjælpes ved at forene nødhjælpsaktiviteter, som i dag ofte er spredte, uøkonomiske og ulige. Det kan hjælpes af national planlægning og tilsyn med alle former for transport og kommunikation og andre forsyningsselskaber, der har en bestemt offentlig karakter. Der er mange måder, hvorpå det kan hjælpes, men det kan aldrig hjælpes blot ved at tale om det. Vi skal handle og handle hurtigt.

Endelig kræver vi i vores fremskridt mod en genoptagelse af arbejdet to beskyttelsesforanstaltninger mod tilbagevenden af ​​den gamle ordres ondskab: der skal være et strengt tilsyn med al bank og kreditter og investeringer, så spekulationerne kan stoppe med andre folks penge; og der skal være mulighed for en passende, men sund valuta.

Det er angrebslinjerne. Jeg vil i øjeblikket opfordre til en ny kongres i en særlig session med detaljerede foranstaltninger til opfyldelse heraf, og jeg vil straks søge bistand fra flere stater.

Gennem dette handlingsprogram henvender vi os til at bringe vores eget nationale hus i stand og få indkomstbalancen til at gå ud. Vores internationale handelsforbindelser, selvom de er meget vigtige, er i tid og nødvendighed sekundære til etableringen af ​​en sund national økonomi. Jeg foretrækker som en praktisk politik at sætte første ting først. Jeg skåner ingen anstrengelser for at genoprette verdenshandelen ved international økonomisk omstilling, men nødhjælpen herhjemme kan ikke vente på den bedrift.

Den grundlæggende tanke, der styrer disse specifikke midler til national genopretning, er ikke snævert nationalistisk. Det er insisteren som en første overvejelse på den indbyrdes afhængighed af de forskellige elementer i og dele af USA - en anerkendelse af den gamle og permanent vigtige manifestation af den amerikanske pionerånd. Det er vejen til bedring. Det er den umiddelbare vej. Det er den stærkeste sikkerhed for, at opsvinget vil vare.

Inden for verdenspolitikken vil jeg dedikere denne nation til den gode nabos politik - naboen, der resolut respekterer sig selv og, fordi han gør det, respekterer andres rettigheder - naboen, der respekterer hans forpligtelser og respekterer sin hellighed. aftaler i og med en verden af ​​naboer.

Hvis jeg læser temperamentet hos vores folk korrekt, indser vi nu, som vi aldrig har indset før vores indbyrdes afhængighed af hinanden; som vi ikke bare kan tage, men vi skal også give; at hvis vi skal gå fremad, må vi bevæge os som en uddannet og loyal hær, der er villig til at ofre til gavn for en fælles disciplin, for uden sådan disciplin sker der ingen fremgang, ingen ledelse bliver effektiv. Vi er, jeg ved, parate og villige til at underkaste vores liv og ejendom en sådan disciplin, fordi det muliggør et lederskab, der sigter mod et større gode. Dette foreslår jeg at tilbyde, idet jeg lover, at de større formål vil binde os alle sammen som en hellig forpligtelse med en pligtenhed, der hidtil kun har været fremkaldt i væbnet strid.

Når dette løfte er taget, antager jeg uden tøven ledelsen af ​​denne store hær af vores folk dedikeret til et disciplineret angreb på vores fælles problemer.

Handling i dette billede og til dette formål er mulig under den regeringsform, som vi har arvet fra vores forfædre. Vores forfatning er så enkel og praktisk, at det altid er muligt at opfylde ekstraordinære behov ved ændringer i vægt og arrangement uden tab af væsentlig form. Derfor har vores forfatningsmæssige system vist sig at være den mest fremragende varige politiske mekanisme, den moderne verden har frembragt. Det har imødekommet enhver stress med omfattende ekspansion af territorium, udenlandsk krige, bitre interne stridigheder, verdensrelationer.

Det må håbes, at den normale balance mellem udøvende og lovgivende myndighed kan være fuldstændig tilstrækkelig til at klare den hidtil usete opgave, vi står overfor. Men det kan være, at et hidtil uset krav og behov for uventede handlinger kan kræve midlertidig afvigelse fra den normale balance mellem den offentlige procedure.

Jeg er forberedt under min forfatningsmæssige pligt til at anbefale de foranstaltninger, som en ramt nation midt i en ramt verden kan kræve. Disse foranstaltninger eller andre foranstaltninger, som kongressen kan bygge ud af sin erfaring og visdom, vil jeg inden for min forfatningsmæssige myndighed søge at bringe til hurtig vedtagelse.

Men i tilfælde af at kongressen undlader at tage et af disse to kurser, og i tilfælde af at den nationale nødsituation stadig er kritisk, skal jeg ikke unddrage mig den klare pligt, der vil konfrontere mig. Jeg vil bede kongressen om det ene instrument, der er tilbage, til at møde den krisedækkende udøvende magt til at føre en krig mod nødsituationen, lige så stor som den magt, der ville blive givet mig, hvis vi faktisk blev invaderet af en fremmed fjende.

For den tillid, der ligger i mig, vil jeg vende tilbage modet og den hengivenhed, der passer til tiden. Jeg kan ikke mindre.

Vi står over for de besværlige dage, der ligger foran os i den nationale enheds varme mod; med den klare bevidsthed om at søge gamle og dyrebare moralske værdier; med den rene tilfredshed, der kommer fra den strenge udførelse af pligt af både gamle og unge. Vi sigter mod sikringen af ​​et afrundet og permanent nationalliv.

Vi mistro ikke fremtiden for et vigtigt demokrati. Befolkningen i USA har ikke svigtet. I deres behov har de registreret et mandat om, at de ønsker direkte, kraftig handling. De har bedt om disciplin og vejledning under ledelse. De har gjort mig til det nuværende instrument for deres ønsker. I gaveens ånd tager jeg den.

I denne indvielse af en nation beder vi ydmygt om Guds velsignelse. Må han beskytte hver og en af ​​os. Måtte han vejlede mig i de kommende dage.


Præsident Franklin D. Roosevelts første indledende tale Washington, DC [4. marts 1933] - Historie


FDR holder sin første indsættelsestale, 4. marts 1933.

Franklin D. Roosevelt blev indviet som den 32. amerikanske præsident under den værste krise, Amerika havde stået over for siden borgerkrigen. I begyndelsen af ​​1933 var den amerikanske økonomi sunket til sit laveste punkt i perioden kendt som den store depression. Over 13 millioner amerikanere var arbejdsløse, mens lønningerne var faldet med 60 procent i værdi. Forretningstab blev rapporteret til 6 milliarder dollars, hvor industrien opererede med halvdelen af ​​sin kapacitet før depression.

Folk mistede deres livsopsparing, deres hjem og gårde. Nogle begyndte at miste troen på selve det amerikanske demokratisystem.

Roosevelt havde kæmpet for, at formandskabet lovede en "ny aftale for det amerikanske folk." Begrebet 'ny aftale' blev mottoet for de omfattende økonomiske og politiske ændringer, Roosevelt ville vedtage for at imødegå den nationale økonomiske nødsituation.

I denne tale forsøger præsident Roosevelt først at dæmpe angsten, der griber amerikanerne, og derefter skitserer nogle af angrebets & quotlines for straks at blive taget i de kommende dage og uger.

Præsident Hoover, hr. Chefdommer, mine venner:

Dette er en national indvielsesdag. Og jeg er sikker på, at mine medamerikanere på denne dag forventer, at jeg ved min indtræden i formandskabet vil tage fat på dem med en åbenhed og en beslutning, som vores folks nuværende situation fremmer. Det er overvejende tid til at tale sandheden, hele sandheden, ærligt og dristigt. Vi behøver heller ikke at skrumpe fra ærligt stillede forhold i vores land i dag. Denne store nation vil bestå, som den har udholdt, vil genoplive og få fremgang.

Så lad mig først og fremmest bekræfte min faste overbevisning om, at det eneste, vi skal frygte, er frygt i sig selv-navnløs, urimelig, uberettiget terror, som lammer den nødvendige indsats for at konvertere tilbagetrækning til forskud. I hver mørk time i vores nationale liv har et lederskab af ærlighed og kraft mødt den forståelse og støtte fra befolkningen selv, som er afgørende for sejren. Og jeg er overbevist om, at du igen vil give den støtte til lederskab i disse kritiske dage.

I en sådan ånd fra min side og fra din side står vi over for vores fælles vanskeligheder. De angår, gudskelov, kun materielle ting. Værdierne er skrumpet til fantastiske niveauer skatter er steget vores betalingsevne er faldet i regeringen af ​​enhver art står over for alvorlig indskrænkning af indkomsten, vekslingsmidlerne er frosset i handelsstrømmene, de visne blade af industriel virksomhed ligger på hver side landmændene finder ingen markeder for deres produkter og besparelser i mange år i tusinder af familier er væk.

Mere vigtigt er, at et væld af arbejdsløse borgere står over for det dystre eksistensproblem, og lige så mange slider med lidt afkast. Kun en tåbelig optimist kan benægte øjeblikkets mørke realiteter.

Og alligevel kommer vores nød fra ingen substansfejl. Vi er ikke ramt af nogen græshoppepest. Sammenlignet med de farer, som vores forfædre erobrede, fordi de troede og ikke var bange, har vi stadig meget at være taknemmelige for. Naturen tilbyder stadig sin dusør og menneskelige bestræbelser har mangedoblet den. Masser er lige uden for døren, men en generøs brug af det aftager i synet af forsyningen. Dette skyldes først og fremmest, at herskerne i udvekslingen af ​​menneskehedens varer har mislykkedes gennem deres egen stædighed og deres egen inkompetence, har erkendt deres fiasko og abdikeret. De skrupelløse pengeveksleres praksis bliver anklaget for den offentlige mening, afvist af menneskers hjerter og sind.

Sandt nok har de prøvet, men deres indsats er blevet støbt i mønsteret af en forældet tradition. Over for kreditsvigt har de kun foreslået at låne flere penge ud. De er blevet fjernet af profitens lokkemidler til at få vores folk til at følge deres falske lederskab og har tyet til formaninger og græd grædende om genoprettet tillid. De kender kun reglerne for en generation af selvsøgere. De har ingen vision, og når der ikke er noget syn, dør folket.

Ja, pengevekslerne er flygtet fra deres høje sæder i vor civilisations tempel. Vi kan nu genoprette dette tempel til de gamle sandheder. Gendannelsesmålet ligger i det omfang, vi anvender sociale værdier mere ædle end blot monetær fortjeneste.

Lykke ligger ikke kun i besiddelsen af ​​penge, den ligger i præstationsglæden, i spændingen ved kreativ indsats. Glæden og den moralske stimulering af arbejdet må ikke længere glemmes i den vanvittige jagt efter undvigende overskud. Disse mørke dage, mine venner, vil være alt det værd, de koster os, hvis de lærer os, at vores sande skæbne ikke skal betjenes, men at tjene os selv og vores medmennesker.

Anerkendelse af falskheden i materiel rigdom som standard for succes går hånd i hånd med opgivelsen af ​​den falske tro på, at offentligt embede og høj politisk position kun skal værdsættes af standarderne for stedets stolthed og personlig fortjeneste, og der skal være en ende på en adfærd inden for bankvirksomhed og i forretninger, der alt for ofte har givet en hellig tillid lignelsen af ​​hård og egoistisk forseelse. Ikke så mærkeligt, at tilliden svinder, for den trives kun på ærlighed, æren, forpligtelsernes hellighed, trofast beskyttelse og uselviske præstationer uden dem den ikke kan leve.

Restaurering kræver imidlertid ikke kun ændringer i etik. Denne nation beder om handling og handling nu.

Vores største primære opgave er at sætte folk i arbejde. Dette er ikke noget uløseligt problem, hvis vi møder det klogt og modigt. Det kan delvist opnås ved direkte rekruttering af regeringen selv, behandle opgaven, som vi ville behandle nødsituationer i en krig, men samtidig gennem denne beskæftigelse gennemføre stærkt nødvendige projekter for at stimulere og reorganisere brugen af ​​vores store naturressourcer.

Hånd i hånd med det må vi ærligt erkende overbalancen i befolkningen i vores industricentre og ved at engagere os på nationalt plan i en omfordeling forsøge at give en bedre udnyttelse af jorden til dem, der passer bedst til jorden. Ja, opgaven kan hjælpes af deciderede bestræbelser på at hæve værdierne for landbrugsprodukter og dermed magt til at købe produktionen fra vores byer. Det kan hjælpes ved realistisk at forhindre tragedien i det voksende tab gennem afskærmning af vores små hjem og vores gårde. Det kan hjælpes ved at insistere på, at forbundsstaten, staten og de lokale regeringer straks handler om kravet om, at deres omkostninger reduceres drastisk. Det kan hjælpes ved at forene nødhjælpsaktiviteter, som i dag ofte er spredte, uøkonomiske, ulige. Det kan hjælpes af national planlægning og tilsyn med alle former for transport og kommunikation og andre forsyningsselskaber, der har en bestemt offentlig karakter. Der er mange måder, hvorpå det kan hjælpes, men det kan aldrig hjælpes ved blot at tale om det. Vi skal handle. Vi skal handle hurtigt.

Og endelig, i vores fremskridt mod en genoptagelse af arbejdet kræver vi to beskyttelsesforanstaltninger mod tilbagevenden af ​​ondskaberne i den gamle orden, der skal være et strengt tilsyn med al bank og kreditter og investeringer. og der skal være mulighed for en passende, men sund valuta.

Disse, mine venner, er angrebslinjer. Jeg vil i øjeblikket opfordre til en ny kongres i en særlig session med detaljerede foranstaltninger til opfyldelse heraf, og jeg vil straks søge de 48 stater.

Gennem dette handlingsprogram henvender vi os til at bringe vores eget nationale hus i stand og få indkomstbalancen til at gå ud. Vores internationale handelsforbindelser, selvom de er meget vigtige, er i tid og nødvendighed sekundære til etableringen af ​​en sund national økonomi. Jeg foretrækker som en praktisk politik at sætte første ting først. Jeg vil ikke spare nogen anstrengelser for at genoprette verdenshandelen ved international økonomisk omstilling, men nødhjælpen herhjemme kan ikke vente på den bedrift.

Den grundlæggende tanke, der styrer disse specifikke midler til national genopretning, er ikke snævert nationalistisk. Det er insisteren, som en første overvejelse, på de forskellige elementers indbyrdes afhængighed i alle dele af Amerikas Forenede Stater-en anerkendelse af den gamle og permanent vigtige manifestation af den amerikanske pionerånd. Det er vejen til bedring. Det er den umiddelbare vej. Det er den stærkeste sikkerhed for, at restitutionen vil vare.

Inden for verdenspolitikken vil jeg dedikere denne nation til den gode nabos politik-naboen, der resolut respekterer sig selv, og fordi han gør det, respekterer andres rettigheder-naboen, der respekterer hans forpligtelser og respekterer helligheden af hans aftaler i og med en verden af ​​naboer.

Hvis jeg læser temperamentet hos vores folk korrekt, indser vi nu, som vi aldrig før vores indbyrdes afhængighed af hinanden har indset, at vi ikke bare kan tage, men vi skal også give, at hvis vi skal gå fremad, må vi bevæge os som uddannede og loyal hær, der er villig til at ofre til gavn for en fælles disciplin, for uden sådan disciplin kan der ikke gøres fremskridt, ingen ledelse bliver effektiv. Vi er, jeg ved, parate og villige til at underkaste vores liv og vores ejendom en sådan disciplin, fordi det muliggør et lederskab, der sigter mod det større gode. Dette foreslår jeg at tilbyde, idet jeg lover, at de større formål vil binde os, binde os alle sammen som en hellig forpligtelse med en pligtenhed, der hidtil kun har været fremkaldt i tider med væbnet strid.

Når dette løfte er taget, antager jeg uden tøven ledelsen af ​​denne store hær af vores folk dedikeret til et disciplineret angreb på vores fælles problemer.

Handling i dette billede, handling med henblik herpå er mulig under den regeringsform, som vi har arvet fra vores forfædre. Vores forfatning er så enkel, så praktisk, at det altid er muligt at opfylde ekstraordinære behov ved ændringer i vægt og arrangement uden tab af væsentlig form. Derfor har vores forfatningsmæssige system vist sig at være den mest fremragende varige politiske mekanisme, den moderne verden nogensinde har set. Det har imødekommet enhver stress med omfattende ekspansion af territorium, udenlandsk krige, bitre interne stridigheder, verdensrelationer.

Og det er at håbe, at den normale balance mellem udøvende og lovgivende myndighed kan være fuldstændig tilstrækkelig til at klare den hidtil usete opgave, vi står overfor. Men det kan være, at et hidtil uset krav og behov for uventede handlinger kan kræve midlertidig afvigelse fra den normale balance mellem den offentlige procedure.

Jeg er forberedt under min forfatningsmæssige pligt til at anbefale de foranstaltninger, som en ramt nation midt i en ramt verden kan kræve. Disse foranstaltninger eller andre foranstaltninger, som kongressen kan bygge ud af sin erfaring og visdom, vil jeg inden for min forfatningsmæssige myndighed søge at bringe til hurtig vedtagelse.

Men i tilfælde af at kongressen undlader at tage et af disse to kurser, i tilfælde af at den nationale nødsituation stadig er kritisk, vil jeg ikke unddrage mig den klare pligt, der så vil konfrontere mig. Jeg vil bede kongressen om det eneste instrument, der er tilbage til at klare krisen-bred udøvende magt til at føre en krig mod nødsituationen, lige så stor som den magt, der ville blive givet mig, hvis vi faktisk blev invaderet af en fremmed fjende.

For den tillid, der lå i mig, vil jeg vende tilbage modet og den hengivenhed, der passer til tiden. Jeg kan ikke mindre.

Vi står over for de hårde dage, der ligger foran os, i det nationale mods varme mod med den klare bevidsthed om at søge gamle og dyrebare moralske værdier med den rene tilfredshed, der kommer fra den store og ungdoms strenge udførelse af pligt. Vi sigter mod at sikre et afrundet, permanent nationalt liv.

Vi mistro ikke fremtiden for et vigtigt demokrati. Befolkningen i USA har ikke svigtet. I deres behov har de registreret et mandat om, at de ønsker direkte, kraftig handling. De har bedt om disciplin og vejledning under ledelse. De har gjort mig til det nuværende instrument for deres ønsker. I gaveens ånd tager jeg den.

I denne indvielse af en nation beder vi ydmygt om Guds velsignelse. Må han beskytte hver og en af ​​os. Måtte han vejlede mig i de kommende dage.

Præsident Franklin D. Roosevelt - 4. marts 1933

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Udskrift

Præsident Hoover, hr. Chefdommer, mine venner:

Dette er en national indvielsesdag. Og jeg er sikker på, at mine medamerikanere på denne dag forventer, at jeg ved min indtræden i formandskabet vil tage fat på dem med en åbenhed og en beslutning, som vores folks nuværende situation fremmer. Dette er i første række tiden til at tale sandheden, hele sandheden, ærligt og dristigt. Vi behøver heller ikke at skrumpe fra ærligt stillede forhold i vores land i dag. Denne store nation vil bestå, som den har udholdt, vil genoplive og få fremgang. Så lad mig først og fremmest bekræfte min faste overbevisning om, at det eneste, vi skal frygte, er frygt i sig selv - navnløs, urimelig, uberettiget terror, som lammer den nødvendige indsats for at konvertere tilbagetrækning til forskud. I hver mørk time i vores nationale liv har et lederskab af ærlighed og kraft mødt den forståelse og støtte fra befolkningen selv, som er afgørende for sejren. Jeg er overbevist om, at du igen vil give denne støtte til lederskab i disse kritiske dage.

I en sådan ånd fra min side og fra din side står vi over for vores fælles vanskeligheder. De angår, gudskelov, kun materielle ting. Værdierne er skrumpet til fantastiske niveauer skatter er steget vores betalingsevne er faldet i regeringen af ​​enhver art står over for alvorlig indskrænkning af indkomsten, byttemidlet er frosset i handelsstrømmene, de visne blade af industriel virksomhed ligger på hver side landmændene finder ingen markeder for deres produkter er besparelserne på mange år i tusinder af familier væk.

Mere vigtigt er, at et væld af arbejdsløse borgere står over for det dystre eksistensproblem, og lige så mange slider med lidt afkast. Kun en tåbelig optimist kan benægte øjeblikkets mørke realiteter.

Alligevel kommer vores nød fra ingen substansfejl. Vi er ikke ramt af nogen græshoppepest. Sammenlignet med de farer, som vores forfædre erobrede, fordi de troede og ikke var bange, har vi stadig meget at være taknemmelige for. Naturen tilbyder stadig sin dusør og menneskelige bestræbelser har mangedoblet den. Masser er lige uden for døren, men en generøs brug af det aftager i synet af forsyningen. Dette skyldes primært, at herskere i udvekslingen af ​​menneskehedens varer har svigtet gennem deres egen stædighed og egen inkompetence, har erkendt deres fiasko og har abdikeret. De skrupelløse pengeveksleres praksis bliver anklaget for den offentlige mening, afvist af menneskers hjerter og sind.

Sandt nok har de prøvet, men deres indsats er blevet støbt i mønsteret af en forældet tradition. Over for manglende kredit har de kun foreslået at låne flere penge ud. De er blevet fjernet af profitens lokkemidler til at få vores folk til at følge deres falske lederskab, og de har tyret på formaninger og græd grædende om genoprettet tillid. De kender kun reglerne for en generation af selvsøgere. De har ingen vision, og når der ikke er noget syn, dør folket.

Pengevekslerne er flygtet fra deres høje sæder i templet i vores civilisation. Vi kan nu genoprette dette tempel til de gamle sandheder. Gendannelsesmålet ligger i det omfang, vi anvender sociale værdier mere ædle end blot monetær fortjeneste.

Lykke ligger ikke kun i besiddelsen af ​​penge, den ligger i præstationsglæden, i spændingen ved kreativ indsats. Arbejdets glæde og moralske stimulering må ikke længere glemmes i den vanvittige jagt på undvigende overskud. Disse mørke dage vil være alt hvad de koster os værd, hvis de lærer os, at vores sande skæbne ikke skal betjenes, men at tjene os selv og vores medmennesker.

Anerkendelse af falskheden i materiel rigdom som standard for succes går hånd i hånd med opgivelse af den falske tro på, at offentligt embede og høj politisk position kun skal værdsættes af standarderne for stedets stolthed og personlig fortjeneste, og der skal være en ende på en adfærd inden for bankvirksomhed og i forretninger, der alt for ofte har givet en hellig tillid lignelsen af ​​hård og egoistisk forseelse. Ikke så mærkeligt, at tilliden svinder, for den trives kun på ærlighed, æren, forpligtelsernes hellighed, trofast beskyttelse, uselviske præstationer uden dem den ikke kan leve. Restaurering kræver imidlertid ikke kun ændringer i etik. Denne nation beder om handling, og handling nu.

Vores største primære opgave er at sætte folk i arbejde. Dette er ikke noget uløseligt problem, hvis vi møder det klogt og modigt. Det kan delvist opnås ved direkte rekruttering af regeringen selv, behandle opgaven, som vi ville behandle nødsituationer i en krig, men samtidig gennem denne beskæftigelse gennemføre stærkt nødvendige projekter for at stimulere og reorganisere brugen af ​​vores naturlige ressourcer.

Hånd i hånd med dette må vi ærligt erkende overbalancen i befolkningen i vores industricentre og ved at engagere os på nationalt plan i en omfordeling forsøge at give en bedre udnyttelse af jorden til dem, der passer bedst til jorden. Opgaven kan hjælpes af deciderede bestræbelser på at hæve værdierne for landbrugsprodukter og dermed magt til at købe produktionen fra vores byer. Det kan hjælpes ved realistisk at forhindre tragedien i det voksende tab gennem afskærmning af vores små hjem og vores gårde. Det kan hjælpes ved at insistere på, at føderale, statslige og lokale regeringer straks handler om kravet om, at deres omkostninger reduceres drastisk. Det kan hjælpes ved at forene nødhjælpsaktiviteter, som i dag ofte er spredte, uøkonomiske og ulige. Det kan hjælpes af national planlægning og tilsyn med alle former for transport og kommunikation og andre forsyningsselskaber, der har en bestemt offentlig karakter. Der er mange måder, hvorpå det kan hjælpes, men det kan aldrig hjælpes blot ved at tale om det. Vi skal handle og handle hurtigt.

Endelig kræver vi i vores fremskridt mod en genoptagelse af arbejdet to beskyttelsesforanstaltninger mod tilbagevenden af ​​den gamle ordres ondskab: der skal være et strengt tilsyn med al bank og kreditter og investeringer, så spekulationerne kan stoppe med andre folks penge, og der skal være mulighed for en tilstrækkelig, men sund valuta.

Det er angrebslinjerne. Jeg vil i øjeblikket opfordre til en ny kongres i en særlig session med detaljerede foranstaltninger til opfyldelse heraf, og jeg vil straks søge bistand fra flere stater.

Gennem dette handlingsprogram henvender vi os til at bringe vores eget nationale hus i stand og få indkomstbalancen til at gå ud. Vores internationale handelsforbindelser, selvom de er meget vigtige, er i tid og nødvendighed sekundære til etableringen af ​​en sund national økonomi. Jeg foretrækker som en praktisk politik at sætte første ting først. Jeg vil ikke spare nogen anstrengelser for at genoprette verdenshandelen ved international økonomisk omstilling, men nødsituationen herhjemme kan ikke vente på den bedrift.

Den grundtanke, der styrer disse specifikke midler til national genopretning, er ikke snævert nationalistisk. Det er insisteren som en første overvejelse på den indbyrdes afhængighed af de forskellige elementer i og dele af USA-en anerkendelse af den gamle og permanent vigtige manifestation af den amerikanske pionerånd. Det er vejen til bedring. Det er den umiddelbare vej. Det er den stærkeste sikkerhed for, at opsvinget vil vare.

Inden for verdenspolitikken vil jeg dedikere denne nation til den gode nabos politik - naboen, der resolut respekterer sig selv, og fordi han gør det, respekterer andres rettigheder - naboen, der respekterer hans forpligtelser og respekterer sin hellighed aftaler i og med en verden af ​​naboer.

Hvis jeg læser vores folks temperament korrekt, indser vi nu, som vi aldrig før vores indbyrdes afhængighed af hinanden har indset, at vi ikke bare kan tage, men vi skal også give, at hvis vi skal gå fremad, må vi bevæge os som uddannede og loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress is made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at a larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in time of armed strife.

With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.

Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.

It is to be hoped that the normal balance of Executive and legislative authority may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.

I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken Nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.

But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis—broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.

For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.

We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded and permanent national life.

We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.

In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come.


Inauguration Day 1945: FDR's Ceremony at the White House

In what was described as a “homey little ceremony on the back porch of the White House,” Franklin Roosevelt entered into his fourth term as President with stoic optimism.

Top Image: One of 7,000 tickets to FDR's fourth inauguration. Photo courtesy of the Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, US National Archives and Records Administration.

On the 20th of January, 2021 the nation will hold the 59th formal inauguration of the President of the United States of America. Since the inauguration of George Washington on the 30th of April, 1789 in New York, the event has grown in size and duration. Although the US Constitution only requires that the incoming president take the oath of office, modern inaugural festivities typically last days, include a plethora of balls and receptions, and a grand parade with marching bands, floats, and thousands of service members. This year inaugural festivities will be limited to prevent the spread of the deadly COVID-19 virus. This is not the first time inaugural festivities have been scaled back.

Franklin Roosevelt’s fourth inauguration in 1945 was by all accounts a small and serious event. In January 1945, the nation was entering its last year of the war and President Roosevelt had a lot on his mind. Roosevelt just won a tough election marked by accusations against the President and his family (famously including his dog Fala) and questions about the President’s health. In early January the administration fought with Congress in an attempt to address severe shortages of men for military service and in critical manufacturing sectors. In Europe, US and British forces had beaten back the German Wehrmacht in the Battle of the Bulge. In what turned out to be the largest battle in the history of the US Army, more than 600,000 soldiers fought desperately in horrific conditions to break the determined German assault.

In Italy, conditions in the mountains had deteriorated to the point that the Allies did not have the ability to go on the offensive and a grueling stalemate seemed to endure. On the Eastern Front, Soviet forces captured Warsaw and Krakow, and soon, would liberate the horrific Auschwitz-Birkenau death camp complex. In the Philippines US forces were fighting on the island of Luzon and closing in on the capital city of Manila. Hungary fell and agreed to enter the war on the Allied side while Communists and British forces held a tenuous cease-fire in the Greek capital of Athens. The Navy sank 41 Japanese ships in the Battle of the South China Sea and plans were being finalized for the coming invasion of a small island called Iwo Jima. Finally, Roosevelt was working with his principal advisors for the upcoming meeting with the Allies at Yalta to shape the post-war world.

This was not a time to hold large scale celebrations and Roosevelt gave instructions for the inauguration to be “simple and brief.” When asked about the parade, Roosevelt replied that with the world at war, “who is there here to parade?”

It would turn out to be an inaugural of records. Franklin Roosevelt was the first and, with the passage of the 22nd Amendment to the Constitution, only president to have four inaugurations. Under the auspices of cutting costs, but also likely in consideration of his health, Roosevelt opted to hold the actual ceremony at the White House for the first time. And this inauguration would be the last time the old tradition of the outgoing vice president swearing in his successor would occur. Since 1945 the incoming vice president has been sworn in by either a Supreme Court justice or member of Congress.

Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt with their grandchildren on Inauguration Day 1945. Eleanor was concerned about an epidemic of childhood disease amongst the children. Photo courtesy of the Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, US National Archives and Records Administration.

Despite all that was weighing on him, FDR was looking forward to the event because it was also going to be a family occasion. In her memoirs Eleanor Roosevelt recalled, “early in January, realizing full well this would certainly be his last inauguration, perhaps even having a premonition that he would not be with us very long, Franklin insisted that every grandchild come to the White House for a few days over the 20th. I was somewhat reluctant to have thirteen grandchildren ranging in age from three to sixteen together, for fear of an epidemic of measles or chickenpox, but he was so insistent that I agreed.” The President also insisted that his son, James, a Marine serving in the Philippines, be temporarily assigned to the White House for the event. James helped his father during the first three inaugurations and FDR was going to make sure he was there for the fourth.

The weather on the day of the ceremony matched the somber mood of the crowd. A mixture of sleet and snow fell in Washington the night before and left a wet white blanket on the ground. Although thousands tried to catch a glimpse from outside of the White House fence, only 7,000 tickets were issued for the south portico grounds. Canvas was put down for the guests but there were no chairs and everyone had to stand. Most notably in attendance, the president insisted that 50 spaces be reserved for wounded service members from around the Washington, DC area. They represented the hundreds of thousands of wounded service members who were in hospitals around the world at the time and their crutches and wheelchairs served as a stark reminder of the cost of war for the rest of the guests.

The San Diego Union-Tribune newspaper described the small ceremony as a “homey little ceremony on the back porch of the White House.” The entire ceremony lasted only 12 and a half minutes and was estimated to cost only $2,000. The entire event consisted of an invocation, oaths of office for the vice president and president, Roosevelt’s speech, and the playing of the national anthem.

Franklin Roosevelt delivering his inaugural address on January 20, 1945, the shortest in American history. Photo courtesy of the Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, US National Archives and Records Administration.

At 556 words and a little more than six minutes, Roosevelt’s speech still stands as the shortest inaugural address since George Washington. He described the war as a period of supreme test for democracy. Roosevelt confidently said that he knew it was “America's purpose that we shall not fail” and that as a nation “we shall work for a just and honorable peace, a durable peace.” Roosevelt acknowledged that mistakes would be made both domestically and abroad but that they would not be “mistakes which result from faintness of heart or abandonment of moral principle.” He invoked his old schoolmaster who said that the “trend of civilization is forever upward.” Acknowledging the eternal desire to create a more perfect union, he pointed out that the US Constitution was flawed but “provided a firm base upon which all manner of men, of all races and colors and creeds, could build our solid structure of democracy.” Finally, he committed the nation to what years later would be called a policy of engagement, saying “we cannot live alone, at peace that our own well-being is dependent on the well-being of other nations.” Reflecting on one of the greatest lessons of World War II, Roosevelt said that the United States “learned to be citizens of the world, members of the human community.”

To millions listening around the world it was classic FDR. It was the first time he gave a speech standing in three months, and sadly would be the last time he would do so. Over the radio his voice was strong and confident, but to those watching from the dais it was alarming. Unwilling to show weakness, he shunned his famous cape and appeared on the bitterly cold and windy podium hatless in only a suit coat. His hands shook throughout his speech and it was clear to all he had lost a lot of weight. Speaking with the Secretary of Labor, Woodrow Wilson’s widow stated, “he looks exactly as my husband looked when he went into his decline.” Former Vice President Henry Wallace remarked that Roosevelt “was a gallant figure, but also pitiable.”

Following the formal ceremony, FDR retreated to the Green Room of the White house while Eleanor and other family members greeted the 2,000 guests expected for a luncheon. After dispensing with a few guests, Roosevelt asked to be left with his son. Roosevelt had an angina attack and asked for a half glass of straight whiskey to dull the pain, which he immediately gulped down. The father and son briefly discussed the President’s will and the disposition of some family heirlooms in the event of his death. This was not a topic for a President who expected to live through the term he just began. Sadly, just 82 days later, Roosevelt died in Warm Springs, Georgia.


Indhold

Roosevelt proceeded to deliver his 1,883-word, 20 minute-long inaugural address, best known for his famously pointed reference to "fear itself" (paraphrasing Thoreau) [3] in one of its first lines:

So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is. fear itself — nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.

Roosevelt used his First Inaugural Speech to outline his plan for the Great Depression. This plan was one he had referred to as a ‘new deal’ when he accepted the Democratic Party nomination in 1932. [4] America, at the time that Roosevelt was inaugurated, was facing an unemployment rate of over twenty-five percent, which put more than twelve million Americans out of work. [5] Roosevelt used his speech to highlight different parts of his proposed plan.

One part of Roosevelt’s plan was to find work for the American people. He stated, “Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously”. [6] Roosevelt would later execute this plan by forming different programs such as the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) which provided jobs for 300,000 men and the Civil Works Administration (CWA) which provided work by creating “public work projects”. [7]

Another part of Roosevelt’s plan was to help American farmers. Roosevelt stated, “The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms”. [8] To put this plan into action Roosevelt created the Agricultural Adjustment Act (AAA) in May 1933. This program helped farmers by giving them incentives to cut production which increased the income of farmers. [9]

The last element that Roosevelt outlined in his speech was his plan for the bank crisis facing America during the Great Depression. He stated, “Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order: there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments so that there will be an end to speculation with other people's money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency”. [10] Roosevelt declared a banking holiday on March 6, 1933, to stop the runs that were occurring on banks. During this time the banks were inspected to ensure that they would be safe to hold money when the banks reopened. Roosevelt created several programs to stabilize the United States banking system, including the Glass-Steagall Act which guaranteed the savings of American citizens through the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation and prevented commercial banks from engaging in investment banking [11]

Roosevelt, in his speech, attempted to convince the American people and Congress to follow his plan for the Great Depression. [12]

To do so he first compared the Great Depression to a war. Roosevelt stated, “It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources." [13] This served to both impart on Americans how serious the situation was, but it also helped him justify his plan to Congress because wartime responsibilities fell to the President, not Congress. [14]

The second thing he did in his speech was to state that the Executive Branch may need to have heightened responsibilities, compared to the Legislative Branch, to face the crisis at hand. Roosevelt stated, “It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure” [15] This served to justify Roosevelt’s plan and the actions that he may need to take in order to accomplish that plan. [16]

Addressing himself to the causes of the economic crisis and its moral dimensions, Roosevelt placed the blame squarely on the greed and shortsightedness of bankers and businessmen, as seen in the following excerpts:

. rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.

The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.

Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing.

Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.

Roosevelt then turned, in the following excerpts, to the daunting issue of unemployment, which had reached a staggering 25 percent when he assumed office:

. the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side farmers find no markets for their produce the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.

More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously.

There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it. We must act and act quickly.

After touching briefly on foreign relations — "the policy of the good neighbor — the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others" — Roosevelt turned again to the economic crisis, assuring his countrymen that he would act swiftly and with determination:

I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken Nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption. But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis — broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.

Roosevelt made several very important rhetorical choices in his First Inauguration Speech. He understood that the plan that he was proposing appeared would seem very radical to the American people who were not used to such action outside of wartime. [17] To convince the American people of his plan he outlined how dire the situation was, reassured them that his plan was necessary, and appealed to their sense of patriotism.

The first thing that Roosevelt attempted to do was convince the American people that the situation was extremely dire and needed immediate action. He said, “Values have shrunken to fantastic levels taxes have risen our ability to pay has fallen government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side farmers find no markets for their produce the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone”. [18] America was facing the worst depression in history Roosevelt outlined the problems facing the country so that the American people would understand his need to take action. [19]

The second thing that Roosevelt did to convince the American people was to justify his need to take on more control to implement his plan. Roosevelt said, “I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis—broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe”. [20] By comparing the Great Depression to a war and stating that the only solution to this situation was to give the Executive Branch the ability to fight this 'war', Roosevelt hoped to convince American’s that he needed more power to execute his plan. [21]

The last thing that Roosevelt did was appeal to the patriotism of the American people. He said “We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under the leadership”. [22] Roosevelt hoped to use the idea of patriotism to convince the American people, that despite their distrust for sweeping government action, the steps he planned to take were necessary for America. [23]

After the inaugural address, a woman by the name Sarah Love said "Any man who can talk like that in times like these is worthy of every ounce of support a true American has." [24] Love's quote is reflective of the popular sentiment felt for Roosevelt's dynamic, confident, and inspiring oratory.

Close aide Raymond Moley was responsible for crafting the speech, as he did many of Roosevelt's speeches. [24] The idea of likening Roosevelt's coming task to commanding a war effort originated from Moley. [25]

Roosevelt's wife Eleanor wore a light blue dress designed by Sally Milgrim to the inaugural ball. The dress was afterwards displayed at the Smithsonian Institution. [26] [27]

The day after his inauguration, Roosevelt assembled a special session of Congress to declare a four-day bank holiday, and on March 9 signed the Emergency Banking Act, which provided a mechanism for reopening. He continued on for what became his First Hundred Days of the New Deal.


President Franklin Roosevelt 1933 Inaugural Address

2011-03-05T14:39:31-05:00 https://images.c-span.org/Files/690/20110305145649003_hd.jpg President Franklin D. Roosevelt delivered his first inaugural address after being sworn in by Chief Justice Charles Hughes on March 4, 1933. It was the last inaugural ceremony held in March. Brief footage of his arrival was also shown.

When he was inaugurated the country was in the middle of the Great Depression. Several million Americans heard Roosevelt&rsquos address, which was broadcast nationwide via radio. He had defeated the incumbent Herbert Hoover, and in his speech, he began laying the groundwork for his New Deal policies and economic programs.

President Franklin D. Roosevelt delivered his first inaugural address after being sworn in by Chief Justice Charles Hughes on March 4, 1933. It… read more

President Franklin D. Roosevelt delivered his first inaugural address after being sworn in by Chief Justice Charles Hughes on March 4, 1933. It was the last inaugural ceremony held in March. Brief footage of his arrival was also shown.

When he was inaugurated the country was in the middle of the Great Depression. Several million Americans heard Roosevelt&rsquos address, which was broadcast nationwide via radio. He had defeated the incumbent Herbert Hoover, and in his speech, he began laying the groundwork for his New Deal policies and economic programs. tæt


Introduktion

Background information

Franklin Delano Roosevelt delivered a speech at a crucial end of America history in 1933. He was born in 1882 his political ambition made him clinch to power as the 32nd president of America in 1933 after defeating Herbert Hoover. The nation was in a crisis of inflation in economic prosperity due to difficulties that the citizens were undergoing. The president fears nothing since he understood better the challenges affecting the nation (Morris, 2014).

The crash of financial markets in the country affected the earlier progression of economic diversity, and thus the president was trustworthy in improving the exchange goods among the other overseas countries. The issue of unemployment reduces the confidence in the business community as well as the individual levels in the country. As a human being, one of the basic needs is to communicate in all aspects, and that’s why most people effectively use rhetorical techniques to disseminate and communicate ideas that will allow decision making.

The people had lost faith in the previous leadership, but Roosevelt provided hope by appealing on actions rather than only speech. The audience received the information with a great belief that their state will be controlled by the sovereign powers of the incoming president.

The key points the president addressed were the shrinking value of goods, the rising of taxes, unemployment rate, reduction of cartels in the government, the frozen issue of foreign exchange and international trading activities, the poor markets for agricultural products, and following the savings that families had acquired that was meant for their future after retirements. Roosevelt speech marks a historical at the time of crisis, and it was full of emotions (pathos), it had a sense of logic (logos) since it was incorporating the problems the citizens are undergoing and the series of challenges affecting the leaders in implementing the solutions.

The credibility (ethos) was a problem that the president intended to have to ensure the specialization among the workers and their leaders are addressed to allow those authorized to perform a certain activity concur with his or her specialization. The evidence attributed to the combination of ethos, logos and pathos influences the nature of speech presented by an individual to the extent that can create understanding among the audience. Therefore, Roosevelt effectively incorporated such evidence to increase the intensity of understanding and trustworthiness to the people.

Evidence of ethos in first inaugural speech

In all aspects of speech, the audience should be involved and draw their attention to increase the effectiveness and articulate ideas and problems that are facing the population. The opening speech evidenced in the first paragraph presented by Roosevelt portrays a great expectation from the people concerning the depressions they are experiencing thus the president establish his ethos to gain the trust from the people. For example, he addressed the audience with a condor and provided the condition of the present situation which has stressed the living standard of the normal citizen in the country “will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.”

In this case, God is the provider and initiator of everything in his leadership as per as the needs of an individual is a concern (Prasch, 2014).The acknowledgment of people’s truth and strategies of upholding such truth portray a sense of ethos since the expectation of the audience should be compiled to increase the trust of the current leaders and those to come. Therefore, the audience gains much trust that actions will be taken to ensure their difficulties and crisis that had engulfed the nation are reduced and if possible being eradicated.

Evidence of pathos in first inaugural speech

The issue of pathos in all aspects of speech portrays the kind of emotions a speaker and the audience recommends. In this case, the articulation of words should be clear and able to draw the attention of the listener to ensure capturing of information promptly. Roosevelt used the issue of pathos after imparting the truth in the audience “this great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.” The president assured the audience that the dark times would soon pass and his strategies will ensure the equal distribution of resources reduces the rate of unemployment and ensures farmers enjoy the toils of their labor.

The international trade relation will be provided to increase the trading activities which will, in turn, improve the economy of the country. The president assures the audience that the nation will endure, will revive and prosper under his leadership. It utilizes the use of pathos to increase the emotions of the listeners due to the depressions they were undergoing caused by the previous leadership.

Evidence of logos in first inaugural speech

Roosevelt uses logos to convey the logic behind the conditions advancing in the United States of America. The difficulties that the citizens are facing he acknowledged the rise of value, the rise of taxes, the issue of unemployment, the market problems undergoing by the farmers, and poor trading activities that have reduced the foreign exchange and has let to poor developments in the nation.

Roosevelt confidently acknowledges the issues of the sort that affect the entire population currently and assure the public to deal with such in his leadership. The evidence of logic will make the audience understood and developed a lot a trust in transparency provided by the incoming leadership.

The combination of ethos, pathos, and logos makes the speech powerful. Roosevelt articulations of words resonate with the audience because of the atmosphere of trust created. Therefore, people receive the information positively despite the depression that dominates the entire population due to mistrust that was created by the previous leadership. He immediately establishes ethos and credibility and expounds throughout the entire speech pathos and logos was also a reliable rhetorical aspect that improved the effectiveness of Roosevelt speech. As witnessed in his speech, each rhetorical devices employed by the president is powerful but more powerful when combined together since it creates understanding at a go.


Franklin D. Roosevelt, First Inaugural Address (1933)

"Franklin D. Roosevelt, First Inaugural Address (1933)"
United States was facing the terrible shock and disappointments the Great Depression caused. Americans experienced poverty, sharing the experience of loss and suffering, and looking for hope. Franklin D. Roosevelt wrote the document for his First Inaugural Address in early 1933. The document was written and presented to the citizens of the United States on March 4, 1933 at the Capitol in Washington DC. Roosevelt's audience in his First Inaugural Address was the American people. He not only directed to American people, but he also targeted the sectors related to business and banking, attacking the corruption found in commercial practices that ended up leading to unemployment and a decrease in the production of the country. All of these were mentioned to also aim the Federal, State, and local governments to act immediately. His audience was primarily national, and not international, so that Americans would focus on working inward, leaving the nation's relationships with the world as a secondary importance, as Roosevelt emphasized in his address. The purpose of Franklin Roosevelt's speech was to start his presidency by addressing the people of the United States on his inauguration day. By addressing the severity of the nation’s economic crisis, he aimed to give people hope and to reassure them that Americans had not failed and that only leadership was needed. It was given to provide the people of the United States courage and determination to support his leadership during that critical time, and for the nation as whole to take action. With this speech he addressed several issues that surrounded the country at the time, particularly the Great Depression and the nation’s anxiety about the economic crisis. Other important themes were related to material wealth, unemployment, and the constitutional system. Talking about how rulers of the exchange of.


FDR Address

One of President Franklin Roosevelt's strongest talents was that of orator he is often referred to as the greatest speechmaker America has ever produced. Roosevelt's addresses were always geared toward his audience and the topic at hand he was often an informal speaker who spiked his speeches with wit and sarcasm when a topic demanded it. President Roosevelt always made his millions of listeners feel as if he were speaking specifically to them. Three of his most important speeches prove these points.

Franklin Delano Roosevelt's first inaugural address

From the steps of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C. on March 4, 1933, FDR delivered his first presidential address to a nation and a world that was still mired deep in the effects of the Great Depression. Through this speech, President Roosevelt offered his platform for addressing the most important issues facing post-war America, as well as encouragement for a bright future for the people and the nation. Some of his most important points were:

  • Employment: President Roosevelt suggested that the government directly recruit and hire workers in order to restore the diminished economy and promote private enterprise. In 1935, the Works Progress Administration (WPA) was established as the agency responsible for managing this program.
  • Material wealth: President Roosevelt encouraged Americans to be proud of their work, but not greedy with their wealth. "Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort," he told the gathered crowd.
  • Constitutional government: Roosevelt ensured the people that only a constitutional form of government would sustain a nation through the conflicts, expansions and internal strife that had already tested the durability of the United States.
  • America's future: Franklin Roosevelt assured the people they had not failed and that he recognized their mandate for him to take ". direct, vigorous action" and to provide ". discipline and direction under leadership." Roosevelt's speech implored America to believe that ". the only thing we have to fear is fear itself."

The "Four Freedoms" Speech

In President Franklin Roosevelt's State of the Union speech in 1941, the subject of freedom was explored. It has been lauded as the most famous political speech about freedom in the twentieth century.

At the time, much of Europe was under attack by the German Army, and many in America felt that isolationism was the best course for the nation, that the United States should not become involved in the escalating war. But, Roosevelt disagreed he felt that Britain needed the nation's support, because in doing so, the U.S. would be fighting for the following universal freedoms:

  • The freedom of speech and expression, everywhere in the world
  • The freedom of every person to worship as they choose, everywhere in the world
  • The freedom from want - to ensure that people have financial stability, everywhere in the world
  • The freedom from fear of war - that no nation would commit physical aggression against another nation, anywhere in the world

President Roosevelt's Four Freedoms speech symbolized the nation's war objectives as the U.S. entered World War II. Today, it is the still the hope, because the scores of men who fight the wars do so in the name of these freedoms.

Fireside Chats

During thirty radio addresses, called "fireside chats," President Franklin Roosevelt established a line of direct communication with the American people. These chats provided Roosevelt the opportunity for the presidential duty he enjoyed the most: Connecting with the people. His cheeriness and pleasant personality gained him the favor of the people, making him one of the most popular presidents in American history. Through this media outlet, President Roosevelt's speeches allowed him to explain his plans for social change in a way the people understood, and they gave him an opportunity to keep the people abreast of issues around the world.

Roosevelt's addresses centered on subjects that he felt the people considered important to them and to their country. These speeches included such topics as his New Deal program, the Works Relief Program, economic conditions and the Declaration of War with Japan. Roosevelt's speeches were listened to by more people than any other program on radio at the time.

President Roosevelt's fireside speeches eliminated the press and their interpretation of his messages. Such closeness to the people made them feel as if they were involved in the decisions that affected them. Moreover, Franklin Roosevelt's fireside chats gained the trust of the people allowing him to make the most sweeping social overhaul in history while avoiding dissent from the majority of those he governed.

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Kennedy's Inauguration

Sådan som vi var, gav vi os selv direkte

Robert Frost
"The Gift Outright"

On January 20, 1961, John F. Kennedy distinguished his inaugural ceremony with a poetry reading by fellow New Englander Robert Frost. Blinded by the sun's glare on the snow-covered Capitol grounds, Frost found himself unable to read the poem he had prepared. Instead, he recited "The Gift Outright" from memory, his words moving many. "Dedication," the poem Frost intended to read at the Kennedy inauguration, is featured in Words and Deeds in American History. "The Gift Outright" can be found in the Imagination section of the Library's American Treasures exhibition.


"The Gift Outright,"
Poem recited by Robert Frost at the 1961 inauguration of John F. Kennedy.
Imagination section,
American Treasures of the Library of Congress

    is a collection of items from each U.S. presidential inauguration, organized chronologically from George Washington's 1789 inauguration onward. See, for example, vice-president Lyndon B. Johnson taking the oath of office aboard Air Force One shortly after the assassination of President Kennedy on November 22, 1963, or see President Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower as they leave the White House for the latter's 1953 inauguration.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you&mdashask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

John F. Kennedy,
Inaugural Address (external link) ,
Friday, January 20, 1961


Se videoen: Эпоха перемен. Франклин Делано Рузвельт (Juli 2022).


Kommentarer:

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